[
391]
Chapter 46:
no account of
General Grant's career would be complete that left out a relation of his intimacy with
Mathias Romero, so long the
Mexican Minister to the
United States; —an intimacy that began in public and international affairs of the highest consequence to their respective countries, and reached into their private relations, that connected them in business and diplomacy, that was marked by instances of generous feeling and personal appreciation on both sides, and lasted till death broke the bonds which had attached them for more than twenty years. Their friendship was the more remarkable because
Grant, as a rule, was not fond of foreigners; in the early part of his prominence he was not at all a cosmopolitan, and with rare exceptions all through life he confined his intimacies to men of his own nationality.
His own peculiarities were so marked and his identity with his country-people so strong that he could not readily share the feeling of those of an entirely different race, nor throw himself into the situation of men bred under entirely different institutions.
But
Romero, though of the
Latin blood, was an American and a republican, the representative of a country that had been attacked at the same time, and, as
Grant believed, in the same interest as the
Union; and these circumstances first created and then fostered a very genuine sympathy between them.
General Grant first met
Romero in the autumn of 1864, while the national armies were lying at
City Point investing
[
392]
Richmond.
The Mexican Minister arrived at the headquarters with his countryman,
General Doblado, bringing letters from the
Secretary of State; and the two foreigners spent several days in the camp of the
General-in-Chief.
Grant paid them every courtesy and sent me with them to visit first
General Meade at the front of the Army of the Potomac, and afterward
General Butler, who commanded the Army of the James.
The peculiar interest which
Grant had always felt in the success of the
Republic in
Mexico made him especially glad to receive these representatives of the
Republic.
He assured them of his sympathy and good wishes, discussed the situation in their country very fully, and interchanged views upon the steps that should be taken to hasten the expulsion of the
French and
Maximilian.
After this Grant and Romero were not thrown together until four or five months later, when the end of the
Southern Rebellion enabled the victorious general to convert some of his views in regard to
Mexico into action.
When
Grant arrived in
Washington, after the surrender of
Lee,
Romero promptly called on him, and
Grant informed the
Minister of the purport of his orders to
Sheridan, for the cavalry general had been sent at once to the
Rio Grande to watch the
Mexican frontier.
From this time the
Northern soldier and the
Southern diplomatist worked in harmony.
Grant, as I have earlier shown, was extremely annoyed at the delay in the action of our own Government and thought the
French Emperor should have been notified at once to withdraw his troops from
Mexico.
He had many conferences with the
Mexican Minister on the subject; even expressing a desire to go at the head of an army himself and assist the Mexicans in driving out the invader.
Doubtless the patriots got new courage when they heard through their representative how stanch a friend they had in the head of the
Union armies, and their efforts were redoubled with the knowledge of his sympathy and the hope of his support.
[
393]
I was present at many of the conversations of these allies, and had especial charge of those of their papers which
Grant was unwilling to expose to ordinary official inspection.
Some of them it would hardly be proper even now to make public.
Romero furnished
Grant with constant information from his own Government and country, and many an intercepted dispatch have I translated, predicting or discussing events in
Europe as well as in
Mexico that were thought likely to affect the destiny of the neighboring State; letters describing the failing health of Napoleon III, the anxieties of Carlotta, the manoeuvres of
Maximilian, and even the intrigues in the
United States which complicated our own politics with those of
Mexico.
When at last the end of the feeble empire came
Grant often told me his views.
He was very stern, and thought that the pretender to a throne should be punished as severely as any other traitor.
Because
Maximilian was of royal blood did not lessen his offense, and that he was of foreign origin intruding his ambitions into a country where he was unwelcome heightened in
Grant's eyes the enormity of his crime.
He more than once said in my hearing that
Maximilian ought to die; and he told me that he made the opinion known to
Romero, who he supposed found means to communicate it to his Government; not of course in official documents, for diplomatists are not in the habit of entrusting such secret matters to public dispatches; they have other channels than those accessible to Congressional resolutions.
But although neither
Grant nor
Romero chose to commit himself by recorded expressions,
Grant always believed that his tacit condemnation of the invader had its weight.
It is certain that had he raised a finger
Maximilian would have been saved.
But it was
pollice verso; the thumb was turned breastward.
This apparent harshness, however, was due to public considerations, not to hostility toward an individual.
Grant
[
394]
believed it necessary to show
European monarchists that they could not with impunity attempt to set up institutions on this continent menacing to our own; he thought the blow offered to
Mexico was in reality meant for this country; and he considered that no such effectual lesson could be taught imperial enemies of this republic and of all republics, as the punishment of a princely offender.
He had been lenient, as the world knows, to his own countrymen when they had rebelled, and never in his career was he cruel with any personal reason; but now, as in the
Wilderness and in the
Valley of Virginia, grave public considerations overcame the natural softness of his nature.
Such action may be as truly magnanimous in the original meaning of the word, as the clemency that is more admired; and had
Grant not possessed the quality of a Brutus he would not have achieved what he did for his country and his own renown.
But there are few
Americans with whom it is necessary to defend his action toward the unfortunate
Maximilian.
When the
Mexican Republic was reestablished,
Romero was recalled to a place in the
Home Government—a fitting reward of his services, which were indeed the most arduous, and perhaps the most effectual rendered to his country in her time of trial.
For this representative had the true diplomatic talent; he perceived the influence of
General Grant at this crisis, as well as his sympathies, and did his best to increase the one and avail himself of the other.
The intimacy he established with the victorious General was of vast importance to his own country, and the use he made of it was both patriotic and legitimate.
General Grant not only shared but enjoyed the intimacy, and was anxious that it should be turned to the account of
Mexico.
Romero had been constantly recognized as the
Mexican representative by our own Government, but of course he exchanged no courtesies with the
Ministers of
France and
Austria and
England; his diplomatic consequence was therefore lessened, but
Grant took every
[
395]
opportunity to show him deference and attention, and thus enhance his consequence; and
Grant's own position was so peculiar at this time that any civilities from him possessed unusual importance.
Before
Romero left the
United States he had the gratification of presenting the family of the
Mexican President,
Juarez, at Grant's house.
The French Minister, with his wife, was present on this occasion, and
Grant took pains to treat his republican guests with significant distinction; a fact doubtless reported to the Tuileries by the imperial envoy.
As soon as
Grant was elected
President he opened a correspondence through me with
Romero, who had now returned to his own country; the nature of this I have elsewhere described; but during the period of
Grant's two administrations
Romero remained in
Mexico, and each was engaged in the affairs of his own nation.
They exchanged no direct communications for eight years.
Subsequently, however, the
Mexican was again sent to the
United States as Minister, and then resumed his intimacy with
General Grant.
In 1880 the ex-President paid a visit to
Mexico and
Romero took pains to ensure him such a reception as it was fitting the re-established Republic should pay to the man who had been its stanch and powerful friend when it most needed friends.
While in that country
General Grant conceived the idea of developing the resources of
Mexico in her own interest and that of the
United States, and on his return to the North Romero naturally became interested in such views and plans.
At this time
General Grant organized a company in New York for the purpose of building a railroad from the
City of Mexico to the frontier of
Guatemala, with branches both to the
Gulf of Mexico and the
Pacific; he even returned to
Mexico to make the necessary arrangements with the
Government there.
Romero was connected with this enterprise.
His relations at home enabled him to procure important concessions
[
396]
from the
Governor of one of the
Mexican States, and these he transferred to the company of which
Grant was
President.
But neither the
General nor the Envoy was improperly interested in the business.
Their connection was patriotic and public, and pure in every way. The enterprise proved unsuccessful at the time, but I never heard that any one was injured financially by the temporary failure.
During this period, while
General Grant was pressing upon the business community and upon statesmen the importance of developing both political and commercial relations with
Mexico,
President Arthur appointed him
Commissioner to negotiate a treaty of commerce with that country.
Romero was appropriately designated by the
Mexican Government to meet him, and the two were thus associated in a work conceived in the fairest spirit to both countries, and which both believed would result in large benefits to the
United States and
Mexico.
The treaty, however, met with opposition from parties in each country who thought their own prospects would not be benefited by the prosperity of all. Accusations were made of personal and illicit advantages sought by both
Grant and
Romero, which both repudiated.
Indeed it is within my personal knowledge that the appointment of
Commissioner was unexpected to
Grant, and for a while he hesitated whether to accept or refuse the position.
His relations with
Arthur were not agreeable at the time; he was displeased with the
President's course, and had criticized his Administration freely.
He always thought the offer was made to please or placate him at a time when he was indignant at other actions of the
President.
He accepted the appointment from public motives purely.
The Government, however, showed scanty interest in the treaty, and exerted itself only feebly to procure its confirmation, while the opposition from interested quarters was persistent;
General Grant himself had no longer power or patronage to exert or offer to stimulate support, and the
[
397]
treaty never became international law. Its failure was a source of disappointment and mortification to
Grant.
He was pained to find that his influence was so insufficient and his views so unimportant with those who controlled affairs; and that neither the weight of his past services nor the gravity of his arguments, enforced by so wide and varied an experience, could bring his country to approve the policy that he proposed.
He had many notions in regard to an American system on the
American continent which one would suppose would have attracted the approbation both of statesmen and the country.
His desire to increase the influence of the
United States, to extend her territory, and to develop relations with all the sister republics was incessant: but the time seemed not ripe.
He was not destined to achieve so much additional renown as the inauguration of a Continental policy would have insured.
It was enough for one man to play the most important part in the salvation and reconstruction of the
Union.
But in the future, when some other statesman shall elaborate and carry out his views and accomplish the unity of relation and interest of all the
American republics, it should be remembered that
Grant foresaw the result and was anxious to bring it about in his time.
Those who belittle his statesmanship will then, perhaps, recognize its far-reaching character and lofty intentions.
In all this Continental policy
Romero was the worthy colleague of
Grant.
No diplomatist has ever been accredited to this country who established more intimate relations with the important personages of the
State; who appreciated better the national institutions and character; who played the legitimate
role of a foreign minister with greater skill or success.
For he had everything against him; even for a while, it seemed, the indifference of our own State Department, certainly the listlessness of the people, the antipathy of race, and the difference of creed and language.
[
398]
But he conquered some of these prejudices first in
Grant himself, and then with
Grant's aid was able to do a great work for his own country and to attempt the binding of the two republics with closer ligaments of mutual prosperity.
When
General Grant fell into misfortune and for a while even his good name was assailed in many mouths, when he was tortured by the apprehension of absolute want, and hosts of rich and powerful and intimate friends of his prosperous hours forgot to enquire if he needed money—the man of another race was the first and almost the only one to offer pecuniary assistance.
Those who had benefited by
Grant's success—not only the men who like the whole country owed the existence of their wealth to the triumph of his arms, but others whose individual advancement and fortune were directly traceable to their connection with him —neglected to say, ‘General, can we help you?’
But
Romero, the
Mexican, came to him at once and insisted on lending him a thousand dollars. If he had not so insisted,
General Grant would have suffered for want of money.
After this their relations became almost tender.
Grant accepted the temporary assistance, and was grateful.
Romero was much with him in the last summer the
General spent at
Long Branch, and when
Grant became seriously ill,
Romero was one of the first to whom he confided his situation.
After this the latter was frequently by the side of the friend of his nation.
He sat quietly by the sufferer for hours, anxious to indicate his sympathy, and
Grant was always pleased to have him there.
Romero even visited the dying General at Mount McGregor, and in the midst of his sufferings and anxieties the hero turned from his pains or his literary labor, to write when he could not talk, on
Mexican affairs, and to manifest his interest even then in that country for which they had striven so earnestly together.
The faithful diplomatist followed his great coadjutor in the procession that conveyed the remains of
Grant to their
[
399]
last resting-place at
Riverside.
Nothing in the entire and varied story of the soldier-President is more characteristic, although exceptional, than this friendship begun in public and international affairs, continued into a personal intimacy, and lasting through disasters and successes alike unexampled in American history, down to the moment when the great shadow fell that divides in one moment the closest friends and leaves of the warmest affection nothing but a memory.