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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4 48 0 Browse Search
William Schouler, A history of Massachusetts in the Civil War: Volume 1 39 3 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 20 0 Browse Search
Mrs. John A. Logan, Reminiscences of a Soldier's Wife: An Autobiography 15 1 Browse Search
John Harrison Wilson, The life of Charles Henry Dana 12 0 Browse Search
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler 11 3 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 10 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3. 10 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 6 0 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 2 6 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for George S. Boutwell or search for George S. Boutwell in all documents.

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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860– April, 1861. (search)
will. If my voice could be heard in the Senate I would protest with all my power against the surrender of New Mexico to slavery,—than which it is difficult for me to conceive of anything more repugnant to our professions before the people, as well as against an amendment of the national Constitution touching slavery in the States. Other correspondents who condemned all compromise were B. R. Wood and G. E. Baker of Albany; David Dudley Field and Joshua Leavitt of New York; F. W. Bird, G. S. Boutwell, W. Claflin, J. T. Buckingham, Dr. Samuel Cabot, and E. L. Pierce of Massachusetts. The various schemes of compromise, agitated in the winter of 1860-1861, had no sensible effect in appeasing the Southern temper, and probably never varied the course of a single Southern man; and they dropped from the controversy when armed conflict opened at Fort Sumter. The Union was to be maintained not by fencing with propositions, but by the patriotism and endurance of the free States. Sumner
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
iment in the North, and crystallized public opinion. Its effects were soon seen in military orders and in speeches from public men, which pointed to a thorough policy against slavery. Secretary Camneron's instructions, Oct. 14, 1861, to Brigadier-General T. W. Sherman, and the latter's proclamation at Port Royal; Colonel John Cochrane's address to his regiment. Nov. 13, 1861, with Mr. Cameron's approving remarks; Wendell Philips's lecture on The War for the Union, in December, 1861; G. S. Boutwell's Address, Dec. 16, 1861, in Speeches and Papers relating to the Rebellion, p. 123. Cameron's annual report in December, 1861. as prepared contained an argument for emancipation and the arming of slaves, but the President required him to modify it. An editor who was then and had long been Sumner's critic, William Schouler, author of the History of Massachusetts in the Civil War, wrote, Feb. 18, 1869, of this speech:— I am struck with wonder at the clear comprehension which you
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 46: qualities and habits as a senator.—1862. (search)
. Several statutes removing the disability of colored citizens were his handiwork. The consolidation of the statutes of the United States was his first thought, and was finally effected by his constant pressure. Some critics, remembering that Sumner stood at some time in the way of their pretensions, or solicitous that their unrenowned services should not be overlooked, have suggested as a limitation to his sphere that he did not draw many statutes. General Butler's Book, p. 314; G. S. Boutwell in the Boston Globe, Sept. 28, 1890. This mechanical work falls largely to the solicitors of the departments, or to promoters of bills; The bankrupt bill, which has long engaged the attention of Congress, was drawn by an eminent judge,—John Lowell, of Boston. and Sumner did as much of it as most men holding his relation to general affairs,—as much, for instance, as Webster or Seward. Wilson probably did not, while chairman of the committee on military affairs during the Civil War, dr
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 49: letters to Europe.—test oath in the senate.—final repeal of the fugitive-slave act.—abolition of the coastwise slave-trade.—Freedmen's Bureau.—equal rights of the colored people as witnesses and passengers.—equal pay of colored troops.—first struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—thirteenth amendment of the constitution.— French spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with Fessenden.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—1863-1864. (search)
ary, vol. III. p. 358, where an extract from his letter is given. This is corroborated by his letter written after Mr. Lincoln's death. J. W. Grimes's Life, p. 279. Governor Andrew of Massachusetts, foremost among war governors, who had occasion to seek Mr. Lincoln from time to time on public business, was very active in the movement to displace him. P. W. Chandler's Memoir and Reminiscences of Governor Andrew, pp. 111-114. Gurowski in his diary, vol. III. pp. 69, 91, 358, names also Boutwell, Trumbull, Wilson, and W. D. Kelley as supporting the principles of the party rather than Mr. Lincoln. Greeley thought Mr. Lincoln already beaten, and that another ticket was necessary to save the cause from utter overthrow, naming three generals from whom a choice might be made,—Grant, Sherman, and Butler. Among others active in the movement were Richard Smith, the veteran editor, and Whitelaw Reid, both of Cincinnati. A large number of letters of public men written at the time to John
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
odical and complete than the President's plan. Both schemes excluded the colored people from suffrage in the initiation of the new governments. In the House, May 4, a motion to strike out the word white was cut off by the previous question. Boutwell in his speech, just before the vote was taken on the bill, expressed regret that the limitation of the elective franchise to white male citizens was required by the present judgment of the House and of the country. When the Senate had under consconfident that the public mind was not ready for it, and thinking it wiser to make it on the right of Congress to control the reconstruction. B. Gratz Brown alone responded without qualification to Sumner's appeal. Of the members of the House, Boutwell At Weymouth, July 4. of Massachusetts, Julian Julian's Political Recollections, p. 268. of Indiana, and Garfield of Ohio, At Ravenna, O., July 4. Works of J. A. Garfield, vol. i. p. 85. each addressed the people of his State in favor
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
n of voters, was defeated, receiving only thirty-seven votes; but among them were those of well-known public men—Blaine, Boutwell, Garfield, Jenckes, Julian, Kasson, Morrill, and Stevens. The President vetoed the bill chiefly on the ground of an inscolored men from the suffrage, and among the minority who voted against the bill were distinguished Republicans—Allison, Boutwell, Eliot, Garfield, Jenckes, Julian, Morrill, Stevens, and E. B. Washburne. Sumner likewise failed to impose his fundaon of equal suffrage on Tennessee, one of the reconstructed States. The House by ordering the previous question cut off Boutwell's amendment for equal suffrage, and under the fervor inspired by the stubborn loyalty of a large portion of the inhabitaproposed public meeting for the support of Congress which was held at Faneuil Hall, May 31, 1866. Governor Bullock and Mr. Boutwell were among the speakers. . . . It is said the President will veto the Colorado bill. What madness to pass such a bill
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 52: Tenure-of-office act.—equal suffrage in the District of Columbia, in new states, in territories, and in reconstructed states.—schools and homesteads for the Freedmen.—purchase of Alaska and of St. Thomas.—death of Sir Frederick Bruce.—Sumner on Fessenden and Edmunds.—the prophetic voices.—lecture tour in the West.—are we a nation?—1866-1867. (search)
a few minutes later, it prevailed by two majority, and the bill then passed. The condition not requiring any acceptance was thought imperfect, and the House, on Boutwell's motion, required the assent of the State Legislature. Sumner was content with this result, though preferring and voting for the requirement of a popular accepid., pp. 352, 353. July 19; Ibid., pp. 420-425. November 26; Works, vol. XII. pp. 250– 252. He desired the Senate to remain so as to pass, with other measures, Boutwell's resolution to prevent the President removing district commanders without the consent of the Senate, or the recommendation of the commanding general, instancingurs, and timber, and the space unoccupied by population opening before our race. Thaddeus Stevens, W. Beach Lawrence, and John M. Forbes, but disapproved by George S. Boutwell, B. R. Wood of Albany, and Moses Pierce of Norwich, Conn. With rare exceptions, generally those of officers of the navy and of the coast survey, incredulity
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 54: President Grant's cabinet.—A. T. Stewart's disability.—Mr. Fish, Secretary of State.—Motley, minister to England.—the Alabama claims.—the Johnson-Clarendon convention.— the senator's speech: its reception in this country and in England.—the British proclamation of belligerency.— national claims.—instructions to Motley.—consultations with Fish.—political address in the autumn.— lecture on caste.—1869. (search)
t is more likely that the President was displeased by his objection to summary and exceptional legislation which would relieve Mr. Stewart from disability. The New York Tribune, March 21, 1872, said that Sumner's sonorous voice arrested the proposed exemption, and that the senators after reflection were generally found to be against it. As senators were found after reflection to be averse to making a discrimination in Mr. Stewart's favor, the President withdrew his request, and nominated Mr. Boutwell of the House to the place. The Cabinet now had two members from Massachusetts,—a circumstance which led to Judge Hoar's retirement a few months later. The San Domingo controversy appears to have had some connection with this change. See Gen. J. D. Cox's notice of General Grant in the New York Nation, July 30, 1885. E. B. Washburne, who had sought and received his place in the Cabinet as a compliment, held it only a week, and the President was in the mean time looking for his succ
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 55: Fessenden's death.—the public debt.—reduction of postage.— Mrs. Lincoln's pension.—end of reconstruction.—race discriminations in naturalization.—the Chinese.—the senator's record.—the Cuban Civil War.—annexation of San Domingo.—the treaties.—their use of the navy.—interview with the presedent.—opposition to the annexation; its defeat.—Mr. Fish.—removal of Motley.—lecture on Franco-Prussian War.—1869-1870. (search)
uted to their solution. April 27, 1874. Congressional Globe, p. 3405. He continued his active interest in the treatment of the public debt and currency, and in the working out of a scheme for the restoration of specie payments. He was in favor of reducing taxation; and in that view was disposed to extend the payment of the national debt over a considerable period, when the larger resources of the future would be available,—differing in this respect from the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Boutwell. Jan. 12, 1870, Works, vol. XIII. pp. 237-241; July 1, Congressional Globe, pp. 5095, 5100. He was especially earnest in opposing the continuance of the income-tax. April 7, 1870, Works, vol. XIII. pp. 370-374; June 22, Congressional Globe, p. 4709; July 1, Globe, p. 5100. As a means for the restoration of specie payments, he proposed by bill and advocated in debate the substitution of national bank-notes for the legal-tender United States notes, known as greenbacks. One of his
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 56: San Domingo again.—the senator's first speech.—return of the angina pectoris.—Fish's insult in the Motley Papers.— the senator's removal from the foreign relations committee.—pretexts for the remioval.—second speech against the San Domingo scheme.—the treaty of Washington.—Sumner and Wilson against Butler for governor.—1870-1871. (search)
Morton) had said the day before to him (Sumner) as to this allegation. Dec. 20, 1870, Congressional Globe, pp. 217, 218. He challenged senators and every one else to witness that he had never attributed dishonest motives to the President, He repeated this disclaimer, Works, vol. XIV. p. 257; also in letter to Gerrit Smith, Aug. 20, 1871; Frothingham's Life of Gerrit Smith, p. 329. declaring that the strongest things he had ever said of him and his acts had been said to Mr. Fish and Mr. Boutwell, whom he summoned to bear witness to the truth of his assertions. When he took his seat no senator questioned his statement. It was made by one who knew the integrity of his own mind, who always said what he meant, who spoke openly and not in whispers, and who never smote men with hints and insinuations. This public denial drew no disclaimer from the President of the language attributed to him. There was doubtless free talk at the senator's house as well as at the Executive Mansion
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