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Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 2 1,039 11 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 29. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 833 7 Browse Search
Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 1 656 14 Browse Search
The Annals of the Civil War Written by Leading Participants North and South (ed. Alexander Kelly McClure) 580 0 Browse Search
Alfred Roman, The military operations of General Beauregard in the war between the states, 1861 to 1865 459 3 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 435 13 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3. 355 1 Browse Search
Edward Alfred Pollard, The lost cause; a new Southern history of the War of the Confederates ... Drawn from official sources and approved by the most distinguished Confederate leaders. 352 2 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 333 7 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 330 2 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874.. You can also browse the collection for Jefferson Davis or search for Jefferson Davis in all documents.

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eir limits to teach all such children as shall resort to him, to write and read. (Ancient Charters, 186.) III. The Courts of Massachusetts have never recognized any discrimination, founded on color or race, in the administration of the Public Schools; but have recognized the equal rights of all the inhabitants. There are a few decisions only of our Court bearing on this subject, but they all breathe one spirit. The sentiment of Equality animates them. In the case of Commonwealth v. Davis (6 Mass. R. 146), while declaring the equal rights of all the inhabitants, both in the grammar and district schools, the Court said: The schools required by the statute are to be maintained for the benefit of the whole town, as it is the wise policy of the law to give all the inhabitants equal privileges for the education of their children in the Public Schools. Nor is it in the power of the majority to deprive the minority of this privilege. * * * * Every inhabitant of the town has a right
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Fourth: orations and political speeches. (search)
eir limits to teach all such children as shall resort to him, to write and read. (Ancient Charters, 186.) III. The Courts of Massachusetts have never recognized any discrimination, founded on color or race, in the administration of the Public Schools; but have recognized the equal rights of all the inhabitants. There are a few decisions only of our Court bearing on this subject, but they all breathe one spirit. The sentiment of Equality animates them. In the case of Commonwealth v. Davis (6 Mass. R. 146), while declaring the equal rights of all the inhabitants, both in the grammar and district schools, the Court said: The schools required by the statute are to be maintained for the benefit of the whole town, as it is the wise policy of the law to give all the inhabitants equal privileges for the education of their children in the Public Schools. Nor is it in the power of the majority to deprive the minority of this privilege. * * * * Every inhabitant of the town has a right
least, is entire and unreserved. * * * It was a proper act, done at the proper time and in the proper place. Nor were leading statesmen less explicit in their approval. Mr. Mason, in reply to an invitation to attend a public dinner in honor of Mr. Brooks, after referring to his social and political intercourse with their able and justly honored representative, adds: I know of none whose public career I hold more worthy the full and cordial approbation of his constituents than his. Jefferson Davis, on the same occasion, wrote: I have only to express to you my sympathy with the feeling which prompts the sons of Carolina to welcome the return of a brother who has been the subject of vilification, misrepresentation, and persecution, because he resented a libellous assault upon the representative of their mother. Nor were they alone Southern men who joined in this formal indorsement. Mr. Buchanan, the Democratic candidate for the Presidency, referring to Mr. Sumner's speech, charac
least, is entire and unreserved. * * * It was a proper act, done at the proper time and in the proper place. Nor were leading statesmen less explicit in their approval. Mr. Mason, in reply to an invitation to attend a public dinner in honor of Mr. Brooks, after referring to his social and political intercourse with their able and justly honored representative, adds: I know of none whose public career I hold more worthy the full and cordial approbation of his constituents than his. Jefferson Davis, on the same occasion, wrote: I have only to express to you my sympathy with the feeling which prompts the sons of Carolina to welcome the return of a brother who has been the subject of vilification, misrepresentation, and persecution, because he resented a libellous assault upon the representative of their mother. Nor were they alone Southern men who joined in this formal indorsement. Mr. Buchanan, the Democratic candidate for the Presidency, referring to Mr. Sumner's speech, charac
tions Senators from South Carolina naturally take the lead. Following Mr. Calhoun, who pronounced Slavery the most solid and durable foundation on which to rear free and stable political institutions, and Mr. McDuffie, who did not shrink from calling it the corner-stone of our republican edifice, the Senator from South Carolina [Mr. Hammond] insists that its frame of society is the best in the world; and his colleague [Mr. Chesnut] takes up the strain. One Senator from Mississippi [Mr. Jefferson Davis] adds, that Slavery is but a form of civil government for those who by their nature are not fit to govern themselves; and his colleague [Mr. Brown] openly vaunts that it is a great moral, social, and political blessing,— a blessing to the slave, and a blessing to the master. One Senator front Virginia [Mr. Hunter], in a studied vindication of what he is pleased to call the social system of the South, exalts Slavery as the normal condition of human society, beneficial to the non-slave
ty with which they adjusted the ratable shares of spoil, and also for generous benefactions to the poor, and even to churches, so that Sir Walter Scott could say,— Do thou revere The statutes of the Buccaneer. In our Law of Slavery what is there to revere? what is there at which the soul does not rise in abhorrence? But this fivefold combination becomes yet more hateful when its single motive is considered; and here Slavery paints itself finally. The Senator from Mississippi [Mr. Jefferson Davis] says that it is but a form of civil government for those who by their nature are not fit to govern themselves. The Senator is mistaken. It is an outrage, where five different pretensions all concur in one single object, looking only to the profit of the master, and constituting its ever-present motive power, which is simply to compel the labor of fellow-men without wages. If I pronounce this object not only barbarous, but brutal, I follow the judgment of Luther's Bible, in the book
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Seventh: return to the Senate. (search)
ng it the corner-stone of our republican edifice, the Senator from South Carolina [Mr. Hammond] insists that its frame of society is the best in the world; and his colleague [Mr. Chesnut] takes up the strain. One Senator from Mississippi [Mr. Jefferson Davis] adds, that Slavery is but a form of civil government for those who by their nature are not fit to govern themselves; and his colleague [Mr. Brown] openly vaunts that it is a great moral, social, and political blessing,— a blessing to the to revere? what is there at which the soul does not rise in abhorrence? But this fivefold combination becomes yet more hateful when its single motive is considered; and here Slavery paints itself finally. The Senator from Mississippi [Mr. Jefferson Davis] says that it is but a form of civil government for those who by their nature are not fit to govern themselves. The Senator is mistaken. It is an outrage, where five different pretensions all concur in one single object, looking only to
mself, he swore, in the holy indignation of his soul, that the generals were all fools, the Cabinet all rascals, and Old Abe a &c. Then the Secessionists proper. Washington swarmed with them. They were never asleep. Well might a member of Mr. Davis's cabal, in writing to a friend there (the letter was intercepted), say, The Lincolnites may rest assured we shall only alarm their capital. We do not want it. It is of more use to us in their hands. It answers all our purposes. Our friends r. Lincoln is complained of by treason—hatchers or treasonmongers, how infinite must be the all-forgiving benevolence of that much-abused man! No! no! a thousand times No! No blood rests on that troubled head. Those abettors and agents of Davis wore the mask as closely as they could; and, although the habitues of the capital could tell them at a glance, and, by an instinct of loyalty nearly infallible, know when one of them entered the room, yet on some occasions the sudden announcemen
Gerrit Smith, and many others of the most enthusiastic champions of Freedom, their hostility was against a system of wrong, rather than against the wrong-doer. They wanted to see the system exterminated, without the ruin of its upholders. There was, therefore, nothing strange in what could hardly be understood at the time—the expression of so much sympathy with the South in her prostration. The first hand extended to the Chief of the Rebellion was by Horace Greeley, in the bail-bond of Jeff. Davis, for which he received the jeers of thousands. While the war lasted, these men advocated its prosecution with unrelenting vigor. When it ceased, the cry went out, All hands to the rescue—save what we can from the wreck! And, without the fear of contradiction, I boldly assert, that after the South laid down their arms, the earliest, the strongest, the most constant friends they had at the North, were among the file-leaders of the first crusade against Slavery, and among the rank and fil
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Eighth: the war of the Rebellion. (search)
ols, the Cabinet all rascals, and Old Abe a &c. Then the Secessionists proper. Washington swarmed with them. They were never asleep. Well might a member of Mr. Davis's cabal, in writing to a friend there (the letter was intercepted), say, The Lincolnites may rest assured we shall only alarm their capital. We do not want it. t be the all-forgiving benevolence of that much-abused man! No! no! a thousand times No! No blood rests on that troubled head. Those abettors and agents of Davis wore the mask as closely as they could; and, although the habitues of the capital could tell them at a glance, and, by an instinct of loyalty nearly infallible, knression of so much sympathy with the South in her prostration. The first hand extended to the Chief of the Rebellion was by Horace Greeley, in the bail-bond of Jeff. Davis, for which he received the jeers of thousands. While the war lasted, these men advocated its prosecution with unrelenting vigor. When it ceased, the cry went