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Browsing named entities in a specific section of C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874.. Search the whole document.

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United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 16
argument in behalf of the equality of every human being before the Law of Equity, which is the law of nature, and the law of God, that had then been pronounced, and it has never been equalled. It settled the question in Massachusetts, as it has since been virtually established throughout the country. Even Mr. Sumner never was obliged to elucidate the subject again. It constituted the first great charter ever distinctly drawn up in favor of the equal right of the Colored people of the United States to education and the corresponding privileges that grow out of it, with all other citizens. The argument in Equity stands upon the eternal basis of justice. No reply has ever been attempted against it as an argument in Law; and wherever its principles come in conflict with municipal statutes, those statutes are arbitrary, and on appeal to Courts of Final Jurisdiction, will, in every free country, be overthrown. It will be seen, in Mr. Sumner's subsequent career, how fully he conformed
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 16
sion, appeared before the Supreme Court of Massachusetts, in the case of Sarah C. Roberts vs. The Cbeen equalled. It settled the question in Massachusetts, as it has since been virtually establisht he delivered before the Supreme Court of Massachusetts. It reads now,—except to the young, whoe made, under the Constitution and laws of Massachusetts, among the children entitled to the benefions, and especially of the Constitution of Massachusetts, all men, without distinction of color or pursuit of happiness. The Constitution of Massachusetts repeats the same idea in a different form.quality which the Constitution and Laws of Massachusetts repudiate. But it is not on the ground ofo power under the Constitution and Laws of Massachusetts, to make any discrimination on account of nsistent with the Constitution and Laws of Massachusetts, and with the adjudications of the Supremeeavy-laden wayfarers in this great cause. Massachusetts will then, through you, have a fresh title[6 more...]
Switzerland (Switzerland) (search for this): chapter 16
a period the Encyclopedia did well in uttering such important and effective truth. The sentiment of Equality was here fully declared. Nor should we be disappointed, that, at this early day, even the boldest philosophers did not adequately perceive, or if they perceived, did not dare to utter, our axiom of liberty, that all men are born equal, in civil and political rights. He pays a touching tribute to Jean Jacques Rousseau —that solitary person, poor, of humble extraction, born in Switzerland, of irregular education and life, enjoying a temporary home in France, a man of audacious genius, who set at naught the received opinions of mankind! His earliest appearance before the public was by an eccentric Essay on the Origin of Inequality among Men, in which he sustained the irrational paradox, that men are happier in a state of nature than under the laws of civilization. This was followed by a later work, the Social Contract. In both of these productions, the sentiment of Equa
Mexico (Mexico, Mexico) (search for this): chapter 16
to understand its full force. A recent English writer on the subject says, that it is not only a distinction by birth, but is founded on the doctrine of an essentially distinct origin of the different races, which are thus unalterably separated. （Roberts on Caste, p. 134.) This is the very ground of the Boston School Committee. But this word is not now applied for the first time to the distinction between the white and black races. Alexander von Humboldt, in speaking of the negroes in Mexico, has characterized them as a Caste, and a recent political and juridical writer of France has used the same term to denote, not only the distinctions in India, but those of our own country. (Charles Comte, Traite de Legislation, tom. 4, pp. 129, 445.) In the course of his remarks, he refers to the exclusion of colored children from the Public Schools, as among the humiliating and brutal distinctions by which their caste is characterized. It is, then, on authority and reason, that we apply
England (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 16
is king, but caused the supreme power to be secured in hereditary succession to his eldest son. It was left to John Milton, in poetic vision, to be entranced— With fair Equality, fraternal state. Sidney, who perished a martyr to liberal sentiments, drew his inspiration from the classic, and not from the Christian fountains. The examples of Greece and Rome fed his soul. The Revolution of 1688, partly by force, and partly by the popular voice, brought a foreigner to the crown of Great Britain, and according to the boast of loyal Englishmen, the establishment of Freedom throughout the land. But the Bill of Rights did not declare, nor did the genius of Somers or Maynard conceive the political axiom, that all men are born equal. It may find acceptance in our day from individuals in England; but it is disowned by English institutions. It is to France that we must pass for the earliest development of this idea, for its amplest illustration, and for its most complete, accurate
Calcutta (West Bengal, India) (search for this): chapter 16
s greater with us, because, unlike the Hindoos, we acknowledge that men are born equal. The Advocate cites from high authorities, many illustrations of the cruelty and barbarous character of caste, as it appears in India. Bishop Heber, of Calcutta, characterizes Caste as follows: It is a system which tends, more than any else the devil has yet invented, to destroy the feelings of general benevolence, and to make nine-tenths of mankind the hopeless slaves of the remainder. Bishop Wilson, also of Calcutta, the successor of Heber, says:— The Gospel recognizes no such distinctions as those of castes, imposed by a heathen usage, bearing in some respects a supposed religious obligation, condemning those in the lower ranks to perpetual abasement, placing an immovable barrier against all general advance and improvement in society, cutting asunder the bonds of human fellowship on the one hand, and preventing those of Christian love on the other. Such distinctions, I say,
Ethiopia (Ethiopia) (search for this): chapter 16
sons, listening, like myself, to the learned lectures of Degerando and of Rossi—the last is the eminent minister who has unhappily fallen beneath the dagger of a Roman assassin; nor do I remember observing in the throng of sensitive young men by whom they were surrounded, any feeling towards them except of companionship and respect. In Italy, at the Convent of Pallazuola, on the shores of the Alban Lake, and on the site of the ancient Alba Longa, I have seen, for several days, a native of Abyssinia, only recently conducted from his torrid home, and ignorant of the language that was spoken about him, yet mingling with the Franciscan friars, whose guest and scholar he was, in delightful and affectionate familiarity. In these examples may be discerned the Christian spirit. And, finally, this spirit I invoke. Where this prevails, there is neither Jew nor Gentile, Greek nor barbarian, bond nor free; but all are alike. From this we derive new and solemn assurances of the Equality of
Department de Ville de Paris (France) (search for this): chapter 16
t. The civilization of the age joins in this appeal. It is well known that this prejudice of color is peculiar to our country. You have not forgotten that two youths of African blood only recently gained the highest honors in the college at Paris, and dined on the same day with the King of France, the descendant of St. Louis, at the Palace of the Tuileries. And let me add, if I may refer to my own experience, that in Paris, I have sat for weeks, at the School of Law, on the same benches Paris, I have sat for weeks, at the School of Law, on the same benches with colored persons, listening, like myself, to the learned lectures of Degerando and of Rossi—the last is the eminent minister who has unhappily fallen beneath the dagger of a Roman assassin; nor do I remember observing in the throng of sensitive young men by whom they were surrounded, any feeling towards them except of companionship and respect. In Italy, at the Convent of Pallazuola, on the shores of the Alban Lake, and on the site of the ancient Alba Longa, I have seen, for several days,
New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 16
ed color, of humble parents, still within the period of natural infancy, but strong from her very weakness, and from the irrepressible sympathies of good men, which, by a divine compensation, come to succor the weak. This little child asks at your hands her personal rights. So doing, she calls upon you to decide a question which concerns the personal rights of other colored children; which concerns the Constitution and Laws of the Commonwealth; which concerns that peculiar institution of New England, the Common Schools; which concerns the fundamental principles of human rights; which concerns the Christian character of this community. Such parties, and such interests, so grand and various, may justly challenge your most earnest attention. The great principle involved in this case, I shall first exhibit in the Constitution of Massachusetts, next in the legislation, and then in the judicial decisions. I shall then consider the special circumstances of this case, and show the viola
France (France) (search for this): chapter 16
in England; but it is disowned by English institutions. It is to France that we must pass for the earliest development of this idea, for itand generosity. The dissolute despotism of Louis XV. overshadowed France. Selfish nobles and fawning courtiers filled the royal antechamberland, of irregular education and life, enjoying a temporary home in France, a man of audacious genius, who set at naught the received opinions Here we first meet this form of definition. At a later day, after France had passed through an unprecedented series of political vicissitudedeclarations preceded, in point of time, the ampler declarations of France, they may, if necessary, be construed in the light of the latter. zed them as a Caste, and a recent political and juridical writer of France has used the same term to denote, not only the distinctions in Indiin the college at Paris, and dined on the same day with the King of France, the descendant of St. Louis, at the Palace of the Tuileries. And
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