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The Daily Dispatch: may 21, 1861., [Electronic resource] 2 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 36. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 2 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: December 13, 1865., [Electronic resource] 2 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 27. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 2 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 26. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 2 0 Browse Search
Elias Nason, The Life and Times of Charles Sumner: His Boyhood, Education and Public Career. 2 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 2 2 0 Browse Search
William Schouler, A history of Massachusetts in the Civil War: Volume 1 2 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 2 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 2 0 Browse Search
Lydia Maria Child, Letters of Lydia Maria Child (ed. John Greenleaf Whittier, Wendell Phillips, Harriet Winslow Sewall) 2 0 Browse Search
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Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Chapter 14: (search)
by the states, a system the strict construction of which was so eminently adapted to indefinite expansion of the confederacy as to embrace every variety of production and consequent diversity of pursuit. Carried out in the spirit in which it was devised, there was in this system no element of disintegration, but every facility for an enlargement of the circle of the family of states (or nations), so that it scarcely seemed unreasonable to look forward to a fulfillment of the aspiration of Hamilton, that it might extend over North America, perhaps over the whole continent. Not at all incompatible with these views and purposes was the recognition of the right of the states to reassume, if occasion should require it, the powers which they had delegated. On the contrary, the maintenance of this right was the surest guarantee of the perpetuity of the Union, and the denial of it sounded the first serious note of its dissolution. The conservative efficiency of state interposition for m
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Chapter 9: (search)
e in a republic whereof one section is pinned to the residue by bayonets. New York Tribune of November 9, 1860, quoted in The American Conflict, Vol. I, Chapt. XXIII, p. 359. The only liberty taken with this extract has been that of presenting certain parts of it in italics. Nothing that has ever been said by the author of this work, in the foregoing chapters, on the floor of the Senate, or elsewhere, more distinctly asserted the right of secession. Nothing that has been quoted from Hamilton, or Madison, or Marshall, or John Quincy Adams, more emphatically repudiates the claim of right to restrain or coerce a state in the exercise of its free choice. Nothing that has been said since the war which followed could furnish a more striking condemnation of its origin, prosecution, purposes, and results. A comparison of the sentiments above quoted, with the subsequent career of the party, of which that journal was and long had been the recognized organ, would exhibit a striking inco
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Appendix D (search)
ed the people of this country. As far back as the time of the Confederation, when no narrow, miserable prejudice between Northern and Southern men governed those who ruled the States, a committee of three, two of whom were Northern men, reporting upon what they considered the bad faith of Spain in Florida, in relation to fugitive slaves, proposed that negotiations should be instituted to require Spain to surrender, as the States did then surrender, all fugitives escaped into their limits. Hamilton and Sedgwick from the North, and Madison from the South, made that report—men, the loftiness of whose purpose and genius might put to shame the puny efforts now made to disturb that which lies at the very foundation of the Government under which we live. A man not knowing into what presence he was introduced, coming into this Chamber, might, for a large part of this session, have supposed that here stood the representatives of belligerent States, and that, instead of men assembled here
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Appendix E (search)
haracter of the United States to be known and respected wherever there is wealth enough to woo commerce, and intelligence to honor merit? So long as we preserve and appreciate the achievements of Jefferson and Adams, of Franklin and Madison, of Hamilton, of Hancock, and of Rutledge, men who labored for the whole country, and lived for mankind, we can not sink to the petty strife which would sap the foundations and destroy the political fabric our fathers erected and bequeathed as an inheritance legislate so as to secure the rendition of fugitives; and in 1778 it was a matter of complaint that the Spanish colony of Florida did not restore fugitive negroes from the United States who escaped into that colony, and a committee, composed of Hamilton, of New York, Sedgwick, of Massachusetts, and Mason, of Virginia, reported resolutions in the Congress, instructing the Secretary of Foreign Affairs to address the charge d'affaires at Madrid to apply to his Majesty of Spain to issue orders to
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Appendix F (search)
tion. The use of force against a State would look more like a declaration of war than an infliction of punishment, and would probably be considered by the party attacked as a dissolution of all previous compacts by which it might be bound. Mr. Hamilton, who, if I were to express a judgment by way of comparison, I would say was the master intellect of the age in which he lived, whose mind seemed to penetrate profoundly every question with which he grappled, and who seldom failed to exhaust the subject which he treated—Mr. Hamilton, in speaking of the various powers necessary to maintain a Government, came to clause four: 4. Force, by which may be understood a coercion of laws, or coercion of arms. Congress have not the former, except in few cases. In particular States, this coercion is nearly sufficient; though he held it, in most cases not entirely so. A certain portion of military force is absolutely necessary in large communities. Massachusetts is now feeling this necessity,
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Index (search)
S., 345-46, 347. Greeley, Horace, 219, 252. Green, James S., 53. Grimes, 58. H Hale, —, 456. Hamilton, Alexander, 94, 117, 135, 137, 139, 152, 159, 219. Remarks on sovereignty, 122, 127-28. Extracts from political essays, 137-ed, 242-43. Sovereignty. Definition, 120-21. Remarks of Motley, 121-22, 127. Remarks of Madison, 122. Remarks of Hamilton, 122. Remarks of Wilson, 123. Definition by Vattel, 123. Relation to Tenth Amendment, 124-132. Remarks on sovereignty, 128-29. Extracts from essays by Hamilton, 137-38. Extracts from speeches by Marshall, 140. Right to secede, 144-46. Speed, James, 339. Springfield (Mo.), Battle of, 368. Squatter sovereignty, 25-26, 27, 32, 34-35, 38. Party, 44. ty of the people, 120. Tenth Amendment, 124-132, 165. Sovereignty of the states asserted, 133. Extracts from essays by Hamilton, 137-38. Extracts from speeches by Marshall, 140. Right of secession, 144-46, 154. Right of interposition, 159-61.
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Chapter 15: (search)
y of armed resistance on our part the North was slow to comprehend. The division of sentiment at the South on the question of the expediency of immediate secession, was mistaken for the existence of a submission party, whereas the division was confined to expediency, and wholly disappeared when our territory was invaded. Then was revealed to them the necessity of defending their homes and liberties against the ruthless assault on both, and then extraordinary unanimity prevailed. Then, as Hamilton and Madison had stated, war against the states had effected the depreciated dissolution of the Union. Adjustment by negotiation the United States government had rejected, and had chosen to attempt our subjugation. This course, adopted without provocation, was pursued with a ferocity that disregarded all the laws of civilized warfare, and must permanently remain a stain upon the escutcheon of a government once bright among the nations. The vast provision made by the United States in the
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Index (search)
, 490, 491, 587, 590, 591. Fort Beauregard, 63. Branch, 175. Caswell, 171. De Russy, 202, 455. Donelson, 15, 19-20, 21, 29, 33, 38, 179, 497, 498; fall, 23-28, 30, 31. Drewry, 85. Fisher, 171; fall, 547-49. Gaines, 172-73. Grigsby, 201. Hamilton, 403. Henry, 15, 19, 20, 29, 38, 179, 343, 498; fall, 21-23. Hindman, 21. Jackson, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 185, 186. Lafayette, 403, 405, 406, 408, 413. Magruder, 76, 77. McAllister, 484. McHenry, 391, 392, 406. Morgan, 172-73, 176beas corpus, Writ of, suspension, 409-11. Hagerty, Thomas, 200. Hahn, Michael, 248. Hale, Christopher, 230. Halleck, Gen. Henry W., 8, 58, 499, 500. Commander of U. S. Department of the West, 15. Advance to Corinth, Miss., 58-59. Hamilton, Alexander, 4. Hampton, General, Wade, 79, 131, 270, 424, 426, 532, 534, 537, 538, 539, 540, 544, 547, 550, 582, 584-85. Letter to Reverdy Johnson concerning the burning of Columbia, S. C., 532-33. Hancock, General, 76, 77, 435, 439, 542, 545, 54
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Adams, John, 1735- (search)
due influence; and to keep in check encroachments upon each other, he recommended a powerful executive. The publication of these essays at that time was unfortunate, when jealousy was rife in the public mind concerning the national Constitution. His ideas were so cloudily expressed that his meaning was misunderstood by many and misinterpreted by a few. He was charged with advocating a monarchy and a hereditary Senate. The essays disgusted Jefferson, who for a time cherished the idea that Hamilton, Adams, Jay, and others were at the head of a conspiracy to overthrow the republican institutions of the United States. The threatening attitude of France. On May 16, 1797, President Adams communicated the following message to the Congress on the serious relations which had sprung up between the United States and France: Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives,--The personal inconveniences to the members of the Senate and of the House of Representati
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Adams, John Quincy, 1767- (search)
wers were ever conferred by the State legislatures upon the Congress of the confederation; and well was it that they never were. The system itself was radically defective. Its incurable disease was an apostasy from the principles of the Declaration of Independence--a substitution of separate State sovereignties, in the place of the constituent sovereignty of the people as the basis of the confederate Union. In the Congress of the confederation the master minds of James Madison and Alexander Hamilton were constantly engaged through the closing years of the Revolutionary War and those of peace which immediately succeeded. That of John Jay was associated with them shortly after the peace, in the capacity of Secretary to the Congress for Foreign Affairs. The incompetency of the Articles of Confederation for the management of the affairs of the Union at home and abroad was demonstrated to them by the painful and mortifying experience of every day. Washington, though in retirement, wa
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