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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4 6 0 Browse Search
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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
. 5508), in presence of Sumner, who by his silence assented to the statement, that very soon after the close of the war, when he (Harlan) expressed the opinion that a few of the rebel leaders ought to be hung, Sumner looked grave, as he often does under such circumstances, and said he had come to the conclusion that it would be wrong to inflict capital punishment on any of them. He thought that we ought to be able to close up that fearful contest without the shedding of any more blood. W. B. Lawrence wrote, Dec. 2, 1871, that on the day of Jefferson Davis's arrest, Sumner said to him that the war having terminated successfully, he desired two measures—universal suffrage and universal amnesty. Davis of Kentucky, rarely in accord with Sumner, made a hearty response to his view. The course of Great Britain towards the United States during the Civil War had left a deep sense of wrong in the minds of our people. The British government still maintained that it had done nothing which it
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 52: Tenure-of-office act.—equal suffrage in the District of Columbia, in new states, in territories, and in reconstructed states.—schools and homesteads for the Freedmen.—purchase of Alaska and of St. Thomas.—death of Sir Frederick Bruce.—Sumner on Fessenden and Edmunds.—the prophetic voices.—lecture tour in the West.—are we a nation?—1866-1867. (search)
fference between the houses. July 17, 22, 24, 1868, Congressional Globe, pp. 4159, 4321, 4404. Sumner's correspondence shows the conflicting opinions,—the purchase being approved by Professor Spencer Baird of the Smithsonian Institution, G. V. Fox, Commander John Rodgers, M. C. Meigs, Louis Agassiz, Agassiz wrote (April 6) of the immense natural resources of the country in fisheries, furs, and timber, and the space unoccupied by population opening before our race. Thaddeus Stevens, W. Beach Lawrence, and John M. Forbes, but disapproved by George S. Boutwell, B. R. Wood of Albany, and Moses Pierce of Norwich, Conn. With rare exceptions, generally those of officers of the navy and of the coast survey, incredulity as to the value of the territory prevailed in the eastern and middle sections of the country. To them it was an unknown land, as yet without a name, except that of Russian America. Sumner occupied in executive session, April 9, three hours in the explanation and defence o
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 56: San Domingo again.—the senator's first speech.—return of the angina pectoris.—Fish's insult in the Motley Papers.— the senator's removal from the foreign relations committee.—pretexts for the remioval.—second speech against the San Domingo scheme.—the treaty of Washington.—Sumner and Wilson against Butler for governor.—1870-1871. (search)
bed. Never did I say anything to anybody giving the idea that the speech would be very bitter on the President, least of all that it would touch on the topics to which you referred,—never even to my colleague. To him and the few others with whom I conversed I simply expressed my strong desire for a hearing on the violations of international law and of the Constitution in the employment of the naval forces at San Domingo. In the course of preparation I submitted certain questions to W. Beach Lawrence, Richard H. Dana, W. Whiting, and Dr. Lieber, four distinguished publicists, with whom I have been in the habit of conferring on questions of international law; but I never communicated to either of them my own conclusions, or anything I proposed to say,—except that in conversation I stated to Mr. Whiting the propositions of law which I intended to maintain. Allow me to add that the story—to which you give credence to the extent at least of quoting it—first appeared in a newspaper mu