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William H. Herndon, Jesse William Weik, Herndon's Lincoln: The True Story of a Great Life, Etiam in minimis major, The History and Personal Recollections of Abraham Lincoln by William H. Herndon, for twenty years his friend and Jesse William Weik 1,765 1 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 1,301 9 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 947 3 Browse Search
John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History 914 0 Browse Search
Francis B. Carpenter, Six Months at the White House 776 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 495 1 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 485 1 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 27. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 456 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 410 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 405 1 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in John G. Nicolay, The Outbreak of Rebellion. You can also browse the collection for Abraham Lincoln or search for Abraham Lincoln in all documents.

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John G. Nicolay, The Outbreak of Rebellion, Chapter 1: secession. (search)
onvention as soon as it was ascertained that a majority of Lincoln electors were chosen in the then pending presidential elecso wrote the governor under date of October 18th, consider Lincoln's election a sufficient cause for disunion, and the Legislor the first time me: overwhelming defeat. The choice of Lincoln was a conclusive and final decision, in legal form and by f November 7th brought the certain news of the election of Lincoln and Hamlin on the previous day, and the rejoicings which wis not an event of a day. It is not anything produced by Mr. Lincoln's election, or by the non-execution of the Fugitive Slavll and of Douglas were demoralized and suspicious. Where Lincoln's election was, so unexpectedly to many, rendered certain, faith required the South to abide the election in peace. Lincoln could do her no harm against an adverse House and Senate. State. Before this had taken place, the newly inaugurated Lincoln administration sent a messenger to Houston, who was still
John G. Nicolay, The Outbreak of Rebellion, Chapter 2: Charleston Harbor. (search)
eston, in signal defiance of his own theory. As a fitting climax to such puerile reasoning, he urged an amendment of the Constitution that would give slavery the very concession in repudiation of which the people had just overwhelmingly elected Lincoln. As a specimen of absurdity, stupidity, and wilful wrongheaded-ness, this message is not equalled in American political literature. For this extraordinary state paper, which effectually tied the hands of the administration and opened to rebeltors in Washington realized that they must hurry the completion of their organization during the brief continue ance of the expiring administration. Even the belligerent Governor Pickens was made to understand the advantage of such a course. Mr. Lincoln, he wrote, cannot possibly do more for us than Mr. Buchanan has done. When therefore, most unexpectedly, South Carolina obtained through Anderson's offer a new chance to propose negotiation, the central cabal at Washington resolved to make it
John G. Nicolay, The Outbreak of Rebellion, Chapter 3: the Confederate States' rebellion. (search)
ve States. As events progressed it became evident to the leaders that it was important to complete their new government before the expiration of Mr. Buchanan's term. They understood perfectly his temper and purpose. Though he denied them the treasonable complicity they had hoped and asked, and discontinued the important concessions with which he began, he still stood committed to non-coercion. What his successor might decide was uncertain. Repeated efforts had been made to draw from Lincoln some expression of his intention --some forecast of his policy, but they had been uniformly unsuccessful. Accordingly the secession delegates met in Montgomery on February 4th, instead of the 15th, as had been first arranged, and organized a provisional Congress, and a few days thereafter (February 8, 1861) adopted a provisional government, to be known as The Confederate States of America. There was little difficulty in arriving at this result; most if not all the seceders' State conv
John G. Nicolay, The Outbreak of Rebellion, Chapter 4: Lincoln. (search)
Chapter 4: Lincoln. From the false political principles and the perilous official neglect of the old admihim to intervene by some public declaration. But Mr. Lincoln preserved a discreet silence, though in confident the archives, forcibly prevent the inauguration of Lincoln, and thus make themselves the defacto successors ofe of great crowds, on the 4th of March, 1861. Mr. Lincoln's inaugural address made a frank declaration of h it was necessary to order its evacuation. To Mr. Lincoln, who had only a few days before publicly promisedposed situation of Fort Pickens had become known to Lincoln, and one of his earliest official acts was to orderpolitical action without resort to civil war. Mr. Lincoln shared Seward's pacific inclinations, but not his. Amid these growing difficulties and dangers Mr. Lincoln felt that the time for decisive action had arrivetgomery in high glee. As a matter of fact, President Lincoln had not at that date decided the Sumter questi
John G. Nicolay, The Outbreak of Rebellion, Chapter 5: Sumter. (search)
the Governor to Jefferson Davis, because he has not the power. Mr. Lincoln may not attack, because the cause of quarrel will have been, or to this time the rebel government indulged the pleasing hope that Lincoln would give up the for and save them the dreaded ordeal of war. Jused when on April 7th he received a confidential letter, drafted by Lincoln, but copied and signed by Cameron, under date of April 4th, inform is that to this thoughtful and considerate instruction, framed by Lincoln himself (but which he supposed to be the language of Cameron), he tence never came to the knowledge of the kind-hearted and generous Lincoln. Following the notice received through Crawford, the rebels we messenger read to them an official communication, drafted by President Lincoln. It ran as follows: I am directed by the President oan entrance, and place both troops and supplies in Fort Sumter. Lincoln's notice having been communicated to the Confederate authorities i
John G. Nicolay, The Outbreak of Rebellion, Chapter 6: the call to arms. (search)
cuss the surrender and evacuation. Sunday, though it was, Lincoln with his own hand immediately drafted the following proclaowers vested in the marshals by law: now therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, in virtue of the poweary of State. The possible contingency foreshadowed by Lincoln in his Trenton address had come; and he not only redeemed leaders, however, the most energetic and powerful, next to Lincoln, was Stephen A. Douglas, who in the late election had reced signed, he sought his lifelong political antagonist, Abraham Lincoln, now President of the United States, and, in a long, csymbols of a holy deliverance. The Sumter bombardment, Lincoln's proclamation, and the enthusiastic war-spirit of the Nored in an early blight. Two days after its appearance President Lincoln issued a counter-proclamation, instituting a rigid blr fell like a sudden touchstone. The proclamation of President Lincoln, and the requisition of the Secretary of War for thei
John G. Nicolay, The Outbreak of Rebellion, Chapter 7: Baltimore. (search)
s formed out of the original territory of those States. In all wars, foreign or domestic, the safety of the capital, its buildings, archives, and officers, is, of course, a constant and a paramount necessity. To guard the City of Washington against a rumored plot of seizure by the conspirators, President Buchanan had in January permitted Secretary Holt and General Scott to concentrate a small number of regular troops in it. Some of these had ever since remained there. As soon as President Lincoln decided to send provisions to Sumter, he had, in anticipation of coming dangers, ordered General Scott to take additional measures for the security of the capital, and to that end authorized him to muster into the service of the United States about fifteen companies of District militia. When Sumter fell and the proclamation was issued, as a still further precaution the first few regiments were ordered directly to Washington. To the Massachusetts Sixth belongs the unfading honor of
John G. Nicolay, The Outbreak of Rebellion, Chapter 8: Washington. (search)
t prudent to decline (for the present) responding affirmatively to the requisition made by President Lincoln for four regiments of infantry. Unfortunately the disaster at Baltimore did not come siew officers and a little handful of marines, the place was without substantial protection. The Lincoln administration had fully realized its exposure, but for want of troops could send it no early r might be marched around, instead of being brought through, that city. To this suggestion President Lincoln readily agreed, and the committee assented to the arrangement. On the following day, Sundown to the President; and to disabuse the Baltimoreans of any possible imputation of bad faith, Lincoln ordered that the detachment complained of should return to Harrisburg, and come round by way ofd rumors; General Scott conferred with his subordinates, and made daily confidential reports to Lincoln. The situation, however, revealed nothing certain or definite. From the windows of the Execut
John G. Nicolay, The Outbreak of Rebellion, Chapter 9: Ellsworth. (search)
of the North the experience of those eventful days was even more decisive. Whatever hope President Lincoln and his Cabinet may have entertained at the beginning, that secession could be controlled his work the seventy-five thousand three-months militia were clearly inadequate. It marks President Lincoln's accurate diagnosis of the public danger, and his prompt courage and action to avert it, eing publicly announced on May 3d. No express provision of law existed for these measures, but Lincoln ordered them without hesitation, because the exigency did not admit of even the short delay of of this honor appears to have been made to him by Francis P. Blair, senior, as coming from President Lincoln. In a letter written subsequent to the war, Lee says that he declined this offer. That sof twenty-four they were serious and comprehensive. There was then no thought of war; and when Lincoln became President, Ellsworth sought his favor and was readily permitted to accompany him to Wash
John G. Nicolay, The Outbreak of Rebellion, Chapter 10: Missouri. (search)
dissembling conspirator waved them aside with an unvarying denial. This state of affairs was terminated on May 30th. Mis. souri matters had been watched with intense and daily solicitude at Washington. Each of the Union factions of that State had a spokesman in the Cabinet, Postmaster-General Blair favoring Lyon and his friends, Attorney-General Bates those of Harney; and the President therefore heard the complaints and justifications of both sides. Acting thus on full information, Lincoln, on May 18th, entrusted Frank P. Blair, junior, with a confidential discretionary order to relieve Harney whenever he might deem it necessary. On May 30th, amid the thickening perils from the conspiracy, Blair felt himself justified in acting upon this discretion; Harney was relieved, and Lyon once more placed in command under a newly issued commission as brigadier-general of volunteers, a position to which the first four Missouri regiments had unanimously chosen him. With Lyon once mo
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