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M. Tullius Cicero, Orations, The fourteen orations against Marcus Antonius (Philippics) (ed. C. D. Yonge) 18 0 Browse Search
M. Annaeus Lucanus, Pharsalia (ed. Sir Edward Ridley) 8 0 Browse Search
John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 2 8 0 Browse Search
C. Suetonius Tranquillus, The Lives of the Caesars (ed. Alexander Thomson) 6 0 Browse Search
Apollodorus, Library and Epitome (ed. Sir James George Frazer) 4 0 Browse Search
Titus Livius (Livy), History of Rome, books 1-10 (ed. Rev. Canon Roberts) 4 0 Browse Search
Cornelius Tacitus, The History (ed. Alfred John Church, William Jackson Brodribb) 4 0 Browse Search
C. Suetonius Tranquillus, The Lives of the Caesars (ed. Alexander Thomson) 2 0 Browse Search
Q. Horatius Flaccus (Horace), The Works of Horace (ed. C. Smart, Theodore Alois Buckley) 2 0 Browse Search
P. Vergilius Maro, Aeneid (ed. Theodore C. Williams) 2 0 Browse Search
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Apollodorus, Library (ed. Sir James George Frazer), book 3 (search)
tes Apollodorus as his authority); Eratosthenes, Cat. 6; Hyginus, Fab. 49; Hyginus, Ast. ii.14; Lactantius Placidus on Statius, Theb. iv.434, vi.353(375). After his resurrection Hippolytus is said to have gone to dwell at Aricia, on the Alban Hills, near Rome, where he reigned as a king and dedicated a precinct to Diana. See Paus. 2.27.4; Verg. A. 7.761ff., with the commentary of Servius; Ovid, Fasti iii.263ff., v.735ff.; Ov. Met. 15.297ff.; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. Bode, i. p. 118 (Second Vatican Mythographer 128). The silence of Apollodorus as to this well-known Italian legend, which was told to account for the famous priesthood of Diana at Aricia, like his complete silence as to Rome, which he never mentions, tends to show that Apollodorus either deliberately ignored the Roman empire or wrote at a time when there was but little intercourse between Greece and that p<
Apollodorus, Epitome (ed. Sir James George Frazer), book E (search)
d to possess the ancient idol of the Tauric Artemis. The wooden image of Artemis Orthia at Sparta, at whose altar the Spartan youths were scourged to the effusion of blood, was supposed by the Lacedaemonians to be the true original image brought by Iphigenia herself to Sparta; and their claim was preferred by Pausanias to that of the Athenians (Paus. 3.16.7-10). Others said that Orestes and Iphigenia carried the image, hidden in a bundle of faggots, to Aricia in Italy. See Servius on Virgil, ii.116, vi.136; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. Bode, i. pp. 7, 142 (First Vatican Mythographer 20; Second Vatican Mythographer 202); compare Strab. 5.3.12. Indeed, it was affirmed by some people that on his wanderings Orestes had deposited, not one, but many images of Artemis in many places (Aelius Lampridius, Heliogabalus 7). Such stories have clearly no historical value. In every case they were
Epictetus, Fragments (ed. Thomas Wentworth Higginson), book 0 (search)
Agrippinus was justly entitled to praise on this account, that, though he was a man of the highest worth, he never praised himself, but blushed even if another praised him. And he was a man of such a character as to commend every untoward event that befell him: if he was feverish, the fever; if disgraced, the disgrace; if banished, the banishment. And, when once, as he was going to dine, a messenger brought him word that Nero ordered him to banishment, Well, then, said Agrippinus, let us dine at Aricia.The first stage on his journey into banishment. See note, ante. - H.
M. Tullius Cicero, On the Agrarian Law (ed. C. D. Yonge), chapter 35 (search)
their own Capua, stretched out along a most open plain, and in comparison of their own beautiful thoroughfares. And as for the lands, they will not think the Vatican or Pupinian district fit to be compared at all to their fertile and luxuriant plains. And all the abundance of neigbouring towns which surround us they will compare in laughter and scorn with their neighbours. They will compare Labici, Fidenae, Collatia,—even Lanuvium itself, and Aricia, and Tusculum, with Cales, and Teanum, and Naples, and Puteoli, and Cumae, and Pompeii, and Nuceria. By all these things they will be elated and puffed up, perhaps not at once, but certainly when they have got a little more age and vigour they will not be able to restrain themselves; they will go on further and further. A single individual, unless he be a man of great wisdom, can scarcely, when placed in situations of great wealth or power, contai
M. Tullius Cicero, Orations, The fourteen orations against Marcus Antonius (Philippics) (ed. C. D. Yonge), THE THIRD PHILIPPIC, OR THIRD SPEECH OF M. T. CICERO AGAINST MARCUS ANTONIUS., chapter 6 (search)
l. His mother is a woman of Aricia. You might suppose he was savinwho looks with such contempt on Aricia, a town most ancient as to its ts, most honorable? It is from Aricia that we have received the Voconian and Atinian laws; from Aricia have come many of those magistrates who have filled our h in our fathers' recollection and in our own; from Aricia have sprung many of the best and Roman knights. But if you disapprove of a wife from Aricia, why do you approve of one from ppen that the son of a woman of Aricia appears to you to be ignoble, ws and sister of Lucius Caesar, was also a native of Aricia. Besides, what insanity is it f Lucius Philippus, who has a wife who came from Aricia, and Caius Marcellus, whose wife is the daughter of
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 1 (ed. Rev. Canon Roberts), chapter 50 (search)
to consult them. They assembled in considerable numbers at daybreak; Tarquin kept his appointment, it is true, but did not arrive till shortly before sunset. The council spent the whole day in discussing many topics. Turnus Herdonius, from Aricia, had made a fierce attack on the absent Tarquin. It was no wonder, he said, that the epithet Tyrant had been bestowed upon him at Rome —for this was what people commonly called him, though only in whispers-could anything show the tyrant morlowed the speaker's advice they would go home and take as little notice of the day fixed for the council as he who had fixed it was taking. Just while these and similar sentiments were being uttered by the man who had gained his influence in Aricia by treasonable and criminal practice, Tarquin appeared on the scene. That put a stop to his speech, for all turned from the speaker to salute the king. When silence was restored, Tarquin was advised by those near to explain why he had come
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 2 (ed. Rev. Canon Roberts), chapter 14 (search)
ruria. Then, to prevent the people seizing them indiscriminately as spoils of war, they were regularly sold, under the description of the goods of Porsena, a description indicating rather the gratitude of the people than an auction of the king's personal property, which had never been at the disposal of the Romans. To prevent his expedition from appearing entirely fruitless, Porsena, after bringing the war with Rome to a close, sent his son Aruns with a part of his force to attack Aricia. At first the Aricians were dismayed by the unexpected movement, but the succours which in response to their request were sent from the Latin towns and from Cumae so far encouraged them that they ventured to offer battle. At the commencement of the action the Etruscans attacked with such vigour that they routed the Aricians at the first charge. The Cuman cohorts made a strategical flank movement, and when the enemy had pressed forward in disordered pursuit, they wheeled round and
P. Ovidius Naso, Metamorphoses (ed. Brookes More), Book 15, line 479 (search)
raveled back to his own land and, being urged again, assumed the guidance of the Latin state. Blest with a nymph as consort, blest also with the Muses for his guides, he taught the rites of sacrifice and trained in arts of peace a race accustomed long to savage war. When, ripe in years, he ended reign and life, the Latin matrons, the fathers of the state, and all the people wept for Numa's death. For the nymph, his widow, had withdrawn from Rome, concealed within the thick groves of the vale Aricia, where with groans and wailing she disturbed the holy rites of Cynthia, established by Orestes. Ah! how often nymphs of the grove and lake entreated her to cease and offered her consoling words. How often the son of Theseus said to her “Control your sorrow; surely your sad lot is not the only one; consider now the like calamities by others borne, and you can bear your sorrow. To my grief my own disaster was far worse than yours. At least it can afford you comfort now. “Is it not true, disc
John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 2, P. VERGILI MARONIS, line 761-782 (search)
Virbius, son of Hippolytus, comes from Aricia to join the allies.
John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 2, P. VERGILI MARONIS, line 762 (search)
. Demosthenes); and by making use of it here Virg. has escaped the awkwardness of either bringing Hippolytus himself into the field or giving him a son with an unknown name; indeed he may be said to have distinguished between the Greek Hippolytus and the Italian hero Virbius. For insignem we might have expected insignis, as in 9. 583 (a passage parallel in other respects), Insignis facie, genitor quem miserat Arcens: but there is force in the acc., whether we take the word with Wagn. of the splendour of his arms and accoutrements, provided by his mother (comp. 9. 547, vetitisque ad Troiam miserat armis), or of his personal beauty, which would also be naturally associated with the mother. It seems better, on a comParison of the two passages just cited, to make Aricia an eponymous nymph, mother of Virbius, than Virbius' native place, in spite of Populonia mater 10. 172. See however on 9. 177, which is itself doubtful, though on the whole the balance there seems to incline the other way.
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