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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 6,437 1 Browse Search
Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation 1,858 0 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 766 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 310 0 Browse Search
Admiral David D. Porter, The Naval History of the Civil War. 302 0 Browse Search
Raphael Semmes, Memoirs of Service Afloat During the War Between the States 300 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 266 0 Browse Search
Henry Morton Stanley, Dorothy Stanley, The Autobiography of Sir Henry Morton Stanley 224 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition. 222 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 214 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 8. You can also browse the collection for England (United Kingdom) or search for England (United Kingdom) in all documents.

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George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 8, The American revolution. (search)
f the powers of internal legislation and taxation, and the free enjoyment of the rights of conscience; it conceded to Great Britain the power to regulate the trade of the whole empire; and, on proper requisitions, promised assistance in the general one mind, resolved to die freemen rather than live slaves. We have not raised armies with designs of separating from Great Britain and establishing independent states. Necessity has not yet driven us into that desperate measure. We exhibit to ma, the United Colonies, as a nation dealing with a nation, a people speaking to a people, addressed the inhabitants of Great Britain. From English institutions they had derived the principles for which they had taken up arms, and their visions of fur their unsolicited sympathy. North America, it was further said, wishes most ardently for a lasting connection with Great Britain on terms of just and equal liberty; less than which generous minds will not offer, nor brave and free ones receive.
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 8, Chapter 42: (search)
o Burgoyne, his old comrade in Portugal, a public letter condemning American taxation by parliament, and tracing the malady of the state to the corrupt influence of the crown. In an able reply, Burgoyne insisted, for himself and for Howe, that their political principles were unchanged, and invited Lee to an interview within the British lines, for the purpose of inducing such explanations as might tend in their consequences to peace, for, said he, as if with the highest authority, I know Great Britain is ready to open her arms upon the first overture of accommodation. Clutching at the office of a negotiator, Lee avoided asking advice of a council of war, and of himself requested the Massachusetts congress to depute one of their body to be a witness of what should pass. That body wisely dissuaded from the meeting, and referred him to a council of war for further advice. Thwarted in his purpose, Lee publicly declined to meet Burgoyne, but he also sent him a secret communication, in w
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 8, Chapter 43: (search)
proportion to their numbers. Congress was to consist of one body only, whose members were to be apportioned triennially according to population, and annually chosen. One of its committees was to wield the executive power. Every colony of Great Britain in North America, and even Ireland, which was still classed with the colonies, was invited to accede to the union. The imperfections in the new constitution which time and experience would surely reveal, were to be amended by congress with tpecially with the French and Dutch colonies; yet the last act of congress, before its adjournment, was the renewal of the agreement, neither directly nor indirectly to export any merchandise or Chap. XLIII.} 1775. Aug. commodity whatever to Great Britain, Ireland, or to the British, or even to the foreign, West Indies. On the first day of August the congress adjourned for five weeks, leaving the insurgent country without a visible government, and no representative of its unity but Washingt
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 8, Chapter 45: (search)
of a million of dollars, in bills varying in amount from sixteen dollars to two thirds of a dollar; and it extended the franchise to all freemen having a visible estate of forty pounds sterling, so that Protestant and Catholic might henceforward go to the polls together. The government thus instituted, was administered with regularity and lenity. By the prudent inactivity of the governors of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Maryland, those four colonies awaited the decision of Great Britain in tranquillity; south of the Potomac, Dunmore precipitated a conflict, which the people of Virginia, educated in the love of constitutional monarchy, and disinclined to change for the sake of change, would gladly have avoided. In spite of their wishes, the retreat of the governor from Williamsburg Chap. XLV.} 1775. foreshadowed the end of the colonial system. The house endeavored not to take things out of their old channel. They revived the memory of Lord Botetourt, and asked only
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 8, Chapter 47: (search)
aucett, leaving England early in August, stopped at the Hague just long enough to confer with Sir Joseph Yorke on getting further assistance in Holland and Germany, and straightway repaired to Hanover to muster and receive into the service of Great Britain five battalions of electoral infantry. They consisted of two thousand three hundred and fifty men, who were to be employed in the garrisons of Gibraltar and Minorca, and thus to disengage an equal number of British troops for service in Amerwithout a rudder, still buoyant, but rolling on the water with every wave. One day would bring measures for the defence of New York and Hudson river, or for the invasion of Canada; the next, nothing was to be done that could further irritate Great Britain. The continuance of the army around Boston depended on the efficiency of all the New England provinces; of these, New Hampshire was without a government. On the eighteenth of October, her delegates asked in her behalf, that the general cong
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 8, Chapter 48: (search)
ir pride create differences among themselves. The ray from the eternal fountain of justice suffers a deflection, as it falls from absolute princes on their subjects, from an established church on heretics, from masters of slaves on men in bondage, from hereditary nobles on citizens and peasants, from a privileged caste on an oppressed one. Something of this perverseness of pride has prevailed in the metropolitan state towards its colonies; it is stamped indelibly on the statute book of Great Britain, where all may observe and measure its intensity. That same pride ruled without check in the palace, and was little restrained in the house of lords: it broke forth in the conduct of the administration and its subordinates; it tinged the British colonial state papers of the last century so thoroughly, that historians who should follow them implicitly as guides, would be as erroneous in their facts as the ministers of that day were in their policy. This haughty feeling has so survived t
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 8, Chapter 49: (search)
The Americans, reasoned Sandwich, will soon grow weary, and Great Britain will subject them by her arms. Haldimand, who had just arrivedprovince, during the continuance of the present dispute between Great Britain and the colonies. On the fourth the same advice was extended talready the conviction of the majority that the dispute between Great Britain and the colonies could end only in a separation; so that the meerican grievances, and restoring that union and harmony between Great Britain and the colonies, so essential to the welfare and happiness of overnment of devils, shuddered at the idea of a separation from Great Britain as fraught with greater evils than had yet been suffered, and fcommittee for the sole purpose of corresponding with friends in Great Britain, Ireland, and other parts of the world; and funds were set asid the British empire a man who more cordially loves a union with Great Britain than I do; but, by the God that made me, I will cease to exist,
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 8, Chapter 50: (search)
get the definitive promise by the twenty third of October, in season to announce it at the opening of parliament; and early in September Lord Dartmouth and his secretary hurried off messages to Howe and to Carleton, that the empress had given the most ample assurances of letting them have any number of infantry that might be wanted. On the eighth, Suffolk despatched a second courier to Gunning, with a project of a treaty for taking a body of Russian troops into the pay and service of Great Britain. The treaty was to continue for two years, within which the king and his ministers were confident of crushing the insurrection. The levy money for the troops might be seven pounds sterling a man, payable one half in cash and the other half on embarkation. A subsidy was not to be refused. I will not conceal from you, wrote Suffolk to Gunning, Chap. L.} 1775. Sept. that this accession of force being very earnestly desired, expense is not so much an object as in ordinary cases. Sca
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 8, Chapter 51: (search)
f the constitution. Outside of parliament, the most intelligent among the philosophers of North Britain yielded to the ministerial measures a reluctant acquiescence or discountenanced them by open who yet maintained that it would be most criminal to disjoint the established government in Great Britain, where he believed a republic would so certainly be the immediate forerunner of despotism, treason by the groundless jealousy of the merchants and manufacturers of the mother country. Great Britain, said he, derives nothing but loss from the dominion she assumes over her colonies. It is uered by force alone. And he pointed out the vast immediate and continuing advantages which Great Britain would derive, if she should voluntarily give up all authority over her colonies, and leave tisk of being rated a visionary enthusiast, he now sought to convince the landed gentry, that Great Britain would lose nothing if she should renounce her colonies and cultivate commerce with them as a
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 8, Chapter 56: (search)
age; posterity are virtually involved in it even to the end of time. But Great Britain has protected us, say some. Chap. LVI.} 1776. Jan. She did not protect us nor perhaps ever will be, our enemies as Americans, but as the subjects of Great Britain. Britain is the parent country, say some; then the more shame upon her chow a single advantage that this continent can reap by being connected with Great Britain. As Europe is our market for trade, we ought to form no partial connectirnal power. The most sanguine in Britain do not think so. The authority of Great Britain, sooner or later, must have an end; and the event cannot be far off. The bu continuance of the new constitution only during the unnatural contest with Great Britain, protesting that they had never sought to throw off their dependence, and tpening the ports of the colonies to all persons willing to trade with them, Great Britain, Ireland, and the British West Indies excepted, and instructed her delegate
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