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Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 11. (ed. Frank Moore) 216 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 190 0 Browse Search
Brigadier-General Ellison Capers, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 5, South Carolina (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 188 0 Browse Search
William Tecumseh Sherman, Memoirs of General William T. Sherman . 188 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 178 0 Browse Search
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War. Volume 4. 168 0 Browse Search
John Bell Hood., Advance and Retreat: Personal Experiences in the United States and Confederate Armies 160 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 158 0 Browse Search
J. William Jones, Christ in the camp, or religion in Lee's army 150 0 Browse Search
Adam Badeau, Military history of Ulysses S. Grant from April 1861 to April 1865. Volume 2 148 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government. You can also browse the collection for Georgia (Georgia, United States) or search for Georgia (Georgia, United States) in all documents.

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connection with them, our advice would have been different. Certain resolutions, said to have been adopted in a meeting of Senators held on the evening of January 5th, Subjoined are the resolutions referred to, adopted by the Senators from Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, and Arkansas. Toombs of Georgia and Sebastian of Arkansas are said to have been absent from the meeting: Resolved, That, in our opinion, each of the States should, as soon as may be, secedeGeorgia and Sebastian of Arkansas are said to have been absent from the meeting: Resolved, That, in our opinion, each of the States should, as soon as may be, secede from the Union. Resolved, That provision should be made for a convention to organize a confederacy of the seceding States: the Convention to meet not later than the 15th of February, at the city of Montgomery, in the State of Alabama. Resolved, That, in view of the hostile legislation that is threatened against the seceding States, and which may be consummated before the 4th of March, we ask instructions whether the delegations are to remain in Congress until that date, for the purpose o
Chapter 3: Secession of Mississippi and other States withdrawal of Senators address of the author on taking leave of the Senate answer to certain objections. Mississippi was the second state to withdraw from the Union, her ordinance of secession being adopted on January 9, 1861. She was quickly followed by Florida on the 10th, Alabama on the 11th, and, in the course of the same month, by Georgia on the 18th, and Louisiana on the 26th. The conventions of these states (together with that of South Carolina) agreed in designating Montgomery, Alabama, as the place, and February 4th as the day, for the assembling of a congress of the seceding states, to which each state convention, acting as the direct representative of the sovereignty of the people thereof, appointed delegates. Telegraphic intelligence of the secession of Mississippi had reached Washington some considerable time before the fact was officially communicated to me. This official knowledge I considered
of the secession of the states which they represented. This threat received little attention from those most concerned. Indeed, it was thought that it might not be an undesirable mode of testing the question of the right of a state to withdraw from the Union. No attempt, however, was made to arrest any of the retiring members; after a delay of a few days in necessary preparations, I left Washington for Mississippi, passing through southwestern Virginia, east Tennessee, a small part of Georgia, and north Alabama. A deep interest in the events which had recently occurred was exhibited by the people of these states, and much anxiety was indicated as to the future. Many years of agitation had made them familiar with the idea of separation. Nearly two generations had risen to manhood since it had begun to be discussed as a possible alternative. Few, very few, of the Southern people had ever regarded it as a desirable event, or otherwise than as a last resort for escape from evils
ive offices, resulting, as I afterward learned, in my election to the Presidency, with the Hon. Alexander H. Stephens of Georgia as Vice-President. Stephens was a delegate from Georgia to the congress. While these events were occurring, having cGeorgia to the congress. While these events were occurring, having completed the most urgent of my duties at the capital of Mississippi, I had gone to my home Brierfield, in Warren County, and had begun, in the homely but expressive language of Clay, to repair my fences. While thus engaged, notice was received of mttest man for the position. I certainly so regarded him, and did not change my mind on the way to Montgomery. . . . Georgia was a great State—great in numbers, comparatively great in wealth, and great in the intellectual gifts and experiences oombs, and Cobb. In view of these facts, it was thought by all of us expedient—nay, more, positively right and just—that Georgia should have a corresponding weight in the counsels and conduct of the new Government. Mr. Stephens was also a man of <
Chapter 6: The Confederate cabinet task of selection an agreeable one due to unanimity of people Toombs of Georgia Mallory of Florida Benjamin of Louisiana Reagan of Texas Memminger of South Carolina Walker of Alabama. After being inaugurated, I proceeded to the formation of my cabinet, that is, the heads of the executive departments authorized by the laws of the provisional congress. The unanimity existing among our people made this a much easier and more agreeable taswhich he was a member, had resolved to recommend one of their number to be Secretary of the Treasury, and Barnwell, with characteristic delicacy, declined to accept my offer to him. I had intended to offer the Treasury Department to Toombs of Georgia, whose knowledge on subjects of finance had particularly attracted my notice when we served together in the United States Senate. Barnwell having declined the State Department, and a colleague of his, said to be peculiarly qualified for the Tre
niously together—by patriarchal teaching older than Christianity, it might have been learned that it was better to part, to part peaceably, and to continue, from one to another, the good offices of neighbors who by sacred memories were forbidden ever to be foes. The nomination of the members of the commission was made on February 25—within a week after my inauguration—and confirmed by Congress on the same day. The commissioners appointed were A. B. Roman of Louisiana, Martin J. Crawford of Georgia, and John Forsyth of Alabama. Roman was an honored citizen and had been governor of his native state; Crawford had served with distinction in Congress for several years; Forsyth was an influential journalist, and had been minister to Mexico under appointment of Pierce near the close of his term, and continued so under that of Buchanan. These gentlemen, moreover, represented the three great parties which had ineffectually opposed the sectionalism of the so-called Republicans. Ex-Governor <
lanation of my desire that the commission, or at least a part of it, should reach Washington before the close of Buchanan's term, that I had received an intimation from him, through a distinguished Senator of one of the border states, Hunter of Virginia. that he would be happy to receive a commissioner or commissioners from the Confederate States, and would refer to the Senate any communication that might be made through such a commission. Crawford—now a judge of the Supreme Court of Georgia, and the only surviving member of the commission—in a manuscript account, which he has kindly furnished, of his recollections of events connected with it, says that, on arriving in Washington at the early hour of half-past 4 o'clock in the morning, he was surprised to see Pennsylvania Avenue, from the old National to Willard's Hotel, crowded with men hurrying, some toward the former, but most of the faces in the direction of the latter, where the new President [Mr. Lincoln, President-elect]
ations opposed to the laws, and obstrucing their execution in seven sovereign states which had retired from the Union. Seventy-five thousand men organized and equipped are a powerful army, and when raised to operate against these states, nothing else than war could be intended. The words in which he summoned this force were these: Whereas the laws of the United States have been for some time past, and now are, opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the marshals by law: Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, by virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution and laws, etc. The power granted in the Constitution is thus expressed: The Congress shall have power to provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and
as possible, at this point, with every arm it may be in your power to provide—I mean small-arms for infantry and cavalry. The governor replied, It is out of the power of Alabama to afford you any assistance in the way of arms. The governor of Georgia replied to the same request on September 18th, It is utterly impossible for me to comply with your request. General Bragg, in command at Pensacola, writes in reply on September 27th: The mission of Colonel Buckner will not be successful, I fearlied: The whole number received by us, by that steamer, was eighteen hundred, and we purchased of the owners seventeen hundred and eighty, making in all thirty-five hundred Enfield rifles, of which we have been compelled to allow the governor of Georgia to have one thousand for arming troops to repel an attack now hourly threatened at Brunswick. Of the remaining twenty-five hundred, I have ordered one thousand sent to you, leaving us but fifteen hundred for arming several regiments now encampe
march in the Cheat Mountain, but orally he stated to me the facts which have formed the basis of this sketch. My estimate of General Lee, my confidence in his ability, zeal, and fidelity, rested on a foundation not to be shaken by such criticism as I have noticed. I had no more doubt then, than after his fame had been securely established, that whenever he had the opportunity to prove his worth, he would secure public appreciation. Therefore, as affairs on the coast of South Carolina and Georgia were in an unsatisfactory condition, he was directed to go there and take such measures for the defense, particularly of Savannah and Charleston, as he should find needful. Lest the newspaper attack should have created unjust and unfavorable impressions in regard to him, I thought it desirable to write to Governor Pickens and tell him what manner of man he was who had been sent to South Carolina. After the withdrawal of the Confederate army from Fairfax Court House and the positions whi
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