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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. Search the whole document.

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Rhode Island (Rhode Island, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
premeditated remonstrances against the contemplated invasion of time-honored rights. Darkness had set in when the Committee rose, and a low murmur of approving multitudes gave token that the cause of liberty had triumphed. The Committee reported adversely to the agitators and fanatics at the heel of the session, but in evident despair of any accordant action; and none was ever had. Massachusetts refused to manacle her own people in order to rivet more securely the shackles of others. Rhode Island was the theatre of a similar attempt, ending in a similar failure. And if, in any other State, like efforts were made, they were likewise defeated. No nominally Free State, however hostile to Abolition, consented to make it a crime on the part of her people to preach deliverance to the captive. But the systematic suppression of anti-Slavery teaching by riot and mob-violence was, for a time, well-nigh universal. In New York, a meeting at Clinton Hall, to organize a City Anti-Slavery
Maine (Maine, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
nd partly Scotch, all of the industrious middle class, had been citizens of New Hampshire and of Maine for several generations. He was distinguished, from early youth, alike for diligence in labor ahampions of Slavery, under the lead of Mr. Calhoun. On the presentation, by Mr. Fairfield, of Maine (December 16, 1835), of the petition of one hundred and seventy-two women, praying the Abolitionlavery in the District of Columbia, and also the resolutions offered by an honorable member from Maine (Mr. Jarvis), with the amendment thereto, proposed by an honorable member from Virginia (Mr. Wisinckney of South Carolina; Hamer of Ohio; Pierce of New Hampshire; Hardin of Kentucky; Jarvis of Maine; Owens of Georgia; Muhlenberg of Pennsylvania; Dromgoole of Virginia; and Turrill of New York — l (all Democrats but Proffit, a Tylerized Whig), who voted for this resolve, were as follows: Maine.--Virgil D. Parris, Albert Smith.--New Hampshire.--Charles G. Atherton, Edmund Burke, Ira A. Eas
Wrentham (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
ive hostility was resolved on by the champions of Slavery, under the lead of Mr. Calhoun. On the presentation, by Mr. Fairfield, of Maine (December 16, 1835), of the petition of one hundred and seventy-two women, praying the Abolition of the Slave-Trade in the District, it was decisively laid on the table of the House; Yeas 180, Nays 31--the Nays all from the North, and mainly Whigs. On the 18th, Mr Jackson, of Massachusetts, offered a similar petition from the citizens of the town of Wrentham; and Mr. Hammond of South Carolina, moved that it be not received; which was met by a motion to lay on the table. This was rejected — Yeas 95, Nays 121. But, finally, a proposition that the petition and all motions regarding it be laid on the table was carried — Yeas 140; Nays 76. Mr. Buchanan January 11, 1836. presented a memorial of the Cain (Pennsylvania) quarterly meeting of Friends, asking for the same in substance as the above. Though opposed to granting the prayer of the petit
Austria (Austria) (search for this): chapter 11
slave. The second resolution, strictly speaking, neither affirms nor denies anything in reference to the matter in hand. No man has a moral right to do anything improper. Whether, therefore, he has the moral right to discuss the question of Slavery, is a point with which human legislation or resolutions have nothing to do. The true issue to be decided is, whether he has the civil, the political right, to discuss it, or not. And this is a mere question of fact. In Russia, in Turkey, in Austria, nay, even in France, this right most certainly does not exist. But does it exist in Missouri? We decide this question by turning to the Constitution of the State. The sixteenth section, article thirteenth, of the Constitution of Missouri, reads as follows: That the free communication of thoughts and opinions is one of the invaluable rights of man, and that every person may freely speak, write, and print on any subject, being responsible for the abuse of that liberty. Here, then,
Canterbury (Connecticut, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
ian church. Several of the blacks were chased and assaulted, one of them being beaten to death, and another losing his life in attempting to swim the Schuylkill to escape his pursuers. At Worcester, Massachusetts, August 10, 1835, the Rev. Orange Scott, who was lecturing against Slavery, was assaulted, his notes torn up, and personal violence attempted. At Concord, New Hampshire, on the same day, a mob demolished an academy, because colored boys were admitted as pupils. At Canterbury, Connecticut, Miss Prudence Crandall having attempted, in 1833, to open a school for colored children, an act was passed by the Legislature forbidding any teaching within that State of colored youth from other States. She persisted, and was imprisoned for it as a malefactor. Having been liberated, she resumed her school; when it was broken up by mob-violence. The riots whereof the foregoing are specimens were too numerous and wide-spread to be even glanced at severally. They were, doubtles
West Indies (search for this): chapter 11
colored youth from other States. She persisted, and was imprisoned for it as a malefactor. Having been liberated, she resumed her school; when it was broken up by mob-violence. The riots whereof the foregoing are specimens were too numerous and wide-spread to be even glanced at severally. They were, doubtless, multiplied and intensified by the presence in our country of George Thompson, an eminent and ardent English Abolitionist, who — now that the triumph of Emancipation in the British West Indies was secured — came over to aid the kindred struggle in this country. That a Briton should presume to plead for Liberty in this free and enlightened country was not to be endured; and Mr. Thompson's eloquence, fervor, and thoroughness, increased the hostility excited by his presence, which, of itself, was held an ample excuse for mobs. Hie was finally induced to desist and return to England, from a conviction that the prejudice aroused by his interference in what was esteemed a domes
Mississippi (Mississippi, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
convened in the church in the town of Clinton, Mississippi, September 5, 1835, it was Resolved, That it is our decided opinion, that any individual who dares to circulate, with a view to effectuate the designs of the Abolitionists, any of the incendiary tracts or newspapers now in the course of transmission to this country, is justly worthy, in the sight of God and man, of immediate death: and we doubt not that such would be the punishment of any such offender, in any part of the State of Mississippi where he may be found. Says the Rev. William Plummer, D. D., of Richmond, Virginia, in response (July, 1835) to a call for a meeting of the clergy to take action on the exciting topic, Let the Abolitionists understand that they will be caught if they come among us, and they will take good care to stay away. The cry of the whole South should be death — instant death — to the abolitionist, wherever he is caught. --Augusta (Ga.) Chronicle. We can assure the Bostonians, one and all
North Carolina (North Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
. February 16, 1836, both houses of the Virginia Legislature agreed to the following: Resolved, That the non-slaveholding States of the Union are respectfully but earnestly requested promptly to adopt penal enactments, or such other measures as will effectually suppress all associations within their respective limits purporting to be, or having the character of, Abolition societies. Resolutions, similar in spirit and demand, were adopted by the Legislatures of South Carolina, North Carolina, Alabama, and doubtless other Slave States. to which was now added the annihilation of Northern prosperity and consequence through a retributive withdrawal of Southern trade. The Richmond Whig, in the course of a fulmination against the Abolitionists, said: The people of the North must go to hanging these fanatics if they would not lose the benefit of the Southern trade, and they will do it. * * * Depend upon it, the Northern people will never sacrifice their present lucrative tra
Madison County, Mississippi (Mississippi, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
of all the governments of the earth, including the Federal Government, we will hang him.--See N. Y. Journal of Commerce, June 6, 1838. The calculation was a tolerably sound one; yet it did not save quite a number of persons — mainly of Northern birth — who were seized at various points throughout the South on suspicion of being anti-Slavery, and very summarily put to death — some with, and some without, a mob trial. Had there been any proof In 1835, a suspicion was aroused in Madison County, Mississippi, that a conspiracy for a slave insurrection existed. Five negroes were first hung; then five white men. The pamphlet put forth by their mob-murderers shows that there was no real evidence against any of them — that their lives were sacrificed to a cowardly panic, which would not be appeased without blood-shed. The whites were hung at an hour's notice, protesting their innocence to the last. And this is but one case out of many such. In a panic of this kind, every non-slavehol
William Lloyd Garrison (search for this): chapter 11
the most eminent clergyman in New England, appeared among the champions of Free Speech. Professor Follen concluded, and was followed by Samuel E. Sewall, William Lloyd Garrison, and William Goodell — the last-named stigmatizing the demand of the South and its backers as an assault on the liberties of the North. Mr. Bond, a Bostotable mob, composed in good part of merchants, assailed a meeting of the Female Anti-Slavery Society, while its President was at prayer, and dispersed it. William Lloyd Garrison, having escaped, was found concealed in a cabinet-marker's shop, seized and dragged through the streets with a rope around his body, threatened with tar af you want to oppose Slavery, why do n't you go where it is? has been triumphantly asked many thousands of times. Mr. Love-joy did exactly this — as Lundy, and Garrison, and many others had done before him — and only left a Slave for a Free State when such removal was imperatively demanded. Why do n't you keep clear of the fana<
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