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United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 10
ence? His facts, we suppose, are such as these: That the same Southern statesmanship and experience, in the hands of the same living men, which had guided the United States to power and glory, from 1800 to 1860, would have blighted the Confederacy. (For it was the constant grief and complaint of Mr. Cable's present friends, that Southern principles and men were dominant in the federation). That the same principles of government, which had so blessed the United States, would blight the Confederate States. For, if Mr. Cable regards the actual history of his country as any more authentic than Dr. Sevier, he must be aware that the States' rights theory came iConfederate States. For, if Mr. Cable regards the actual history of his country as any more authentic than Dr. Sevier, he must be aware that the States' rights theory came into power with Mr. Jefferson, at the beginning of the century, and guided the platform of every administration (except the second Adams' and Fillmore's), until Mr. Buchanan's. That for many years, of the most splendid growth, the Virginia Resolutions and Report of Mr. Madison were regularly incorporated into the party creed of the
New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 10
ery one capable of dispassionate understanding of his argument. Had Mr. Cable studied that history, with that capacity, he would have learned that the right he called a quibble was regarded as the grand bulwark of the people's liberty by the fathers of the country as much in the North as the South; was unquestionably left in possession of the States by their intent in Constitution, and has been asserted most seriously by every section and every school of politics in turn, as by Secession New England in 1814. Mr. Cable is the first Southern man we have ever met with who seems not to have grasped the plain distinction between the occasion of an effect and its cause. He is the only Southern man we ever heard of who thought slavery was the cause of our resistance, all the rest, from the peasant up to the statesman, knew that slavery was but the circumstance of the attack, which furnished the incidental occasion of our resistance, while its moving cause was the desire to preserve a vit
Columbia (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
nly distinctive features of this felicitous blessing: 1. The falsification of all the solemn pledges given by the conquering government to the conquered, to their own citizens, to the civilized world, and to God, when they were initiating the war. 2. The wreck of the Constitution. 3. Carpetbagism and scalawagism, 4. The malignant oppressions and disgraces of reconstruction. 5. Universal negro suffrage, with its bottomless political corruptions. 6. The reopening of civil war in Columbia, South Carolina, and in the author's own city, by oppressions so ruthless as to incense even the crushed worms. 7. Crushing loads of debt on the conquered States. 8. The putrescence of Federal politics, and the infamies of the gift-taking administrations. 9. A tariff system the most monstrous ever known in America. 10. The steady descent of the old property holders, with their innocent families, into the doleful abyss of insolvency, destitution and misery, under which as many hearts have been b
Stonewall Jackson (search for this): chapter 10
George W. Cable in the Century Magazine. A Review by Rev. R. L. Dabney, D. D., Ll.D. [Not a few of us have been heartily disgusted with the cringing, crawling, dirt-eating spirit shown by Mr. Cable and some of his satellites, and we feel sure that the following review from the trenchant pen of Stonewall Jackson's old Adjutant-General will be keenly enjoyed and heartily endorsed by our Southern people generally:] Mr. McKay justly reminds Mr. Cable that it is not true all we of the South went to war in 1861 without justly knowing what we did it for, for which we thank Mr. McKay. We wish to add, that if Mr. Cable chooses thus to condemn himself, we beg to be excused from sharing his confession. We are very sure that, unlike him, we did know what we were about. In a later number of the Century Magazine he replies to Mr. McKay, and his reply makes matters infinitely worse. He thinks the reserved rights of the States were a quibble, and even if for argument's sake, we concede th
Sumner (search for this): chapter 10
ual franchises in the federation, and the reason why they shall not is, that they are comparatively unworthy of them alongside of us. They shall not have equal franchises because they are debased by a sin. Now could any one, except a predestined slave and born dolt, fail to see that acquiescence in such inequality on such a ground must mean despotism and slavery for us and our children? Would not oppression inevitably follow the contempt? We had but to listen to such satanic libels as Mr. Sumner's Barbarism of Slavery, to know what such bonds of federation as that meant. But when the Southern States, applying the most moderate and the minimum means of defence possible in their case, calmly said: Well, then, if we are unworthy to federate with you as equals, let us freely surrender the contested franchises and quietly retire, so as to save our liberty, if we must lose these rights. The imperious answer was, No. Neither shall you be equals in the copartnership, nor shall you reti
Wirt Adams (search for this): chapter 10
Mr. Cable's present friends, that Southern principles and men were dominant in the federation). That the same principles of government, which had so blessed the United States, would blight the Confederate States. For, if Mr. Cable regards the actual history of his country as any more authentic than Dr. Sevier, he must be aware that the States' rights theory came into power with Mr. Jefferson, at the beginning of the century, and guided the platform of every administration (except the second Adams' and Fillmore's), until Mr. Buchanan's. That for many years, of the most splendid growth, the Virginia Resolutions and Report of Mr. Madison were regularly incorporated into the party creed of the party which made the country great. Or, is it his creed, that the same Southern people, who made the South great, glorious and rich, while groaning under legislative inequalities, must have made their country base and poor, when freed from the incubus? This is evidently Mr. Cable's logic: That lik
George W. Cable (search for this): chapter 10
nging, crawling, dirt-eating spirit shown by Mr. Cable and some of his satellites, and we feel sureople generally:] Mr. McKay justly reminds Mr. Cable that it is not true all we of the South wentfor what the pretended right was exercised? Mr. Cable thinks it was really for slavery, which he nssionate understanding of his argument. Had Mr. Cable studied that history, with that capacity, heurn, as by Secession New England in 1814. Mr. Cable is the first Southern man we have ever met we real cause of Southern resistance clear to Mr. Cable. As soon as the North was sure of a numericgh to hold a pretended union on such terms? Mr. Cable knows there is none. That was the cause of en freed from the incubus? This is evidently Mr. Cable's logic: That like causes always produce oppostile legislation. The only rationale of Mr. Cable's hallucination of which we can think, is thcommitted so enormous a blunder and crime as Mr. Cable now says he committed in 1861, and that, aft[10 more...]
Fillmore (search for this): chapter 10
present friends, that Southern principles and men were dominant in the federation). That the same principles of government, which had so blessed the United States, would blight the Confederate States. For, if Mr. Cable regards the actual history of his country as any more authentic than Dr. Sevier, he must be aware that the States' rights theory came into power with Mr. Jefferson, at the beginning of the century, and guided the platform of every administration (except the second Adams' and Fillmore's), until Mr. Buchanan's. That for many years, of the most splendid growth, the Virginia Resolutions and Report of Mr. Madison were regularly incorporated into the party creed of the party which made the country great. Or, is it his creed, that the same Southern people, who made the South great, glorious and rich, while groaning under legislative inequalities, must have made their country base and poor, when freed from the incubus? This is evidently Mr. Cable's logic: That like causes alwa
Robert E. Lee (search for this): chapter 10
avery to the bottle, sitting beside him, was pulling him down by the skirt of his coat, saying, with an oath, Don't be a fool; sit still; you have got no niggers to fight for. The young man at last firmly pushing his hands away, rose and said, I know that, but I have got to fight to keep the Yankees from making a nigger of me. He saw clearly what it seems our author has never seen. So all the way up, to the other extreme of the social scale, the Southern judgment was equally clear. General R. E. Lee saw the same thing, when he, the owner of hundreds of bondsmen, said he would cheerfully surrender every one to preserve peace, were that the real issue to be settled. Let us endeavor, for the thousandth time, to make the real cause of Southern resistance clear to Mr. Cable. As soon as the North was sure of a numerical majority it had taken this determined ground—Southern States shall not have equal franchises in the federation, and the reason why they shall not is, that they are c
James Madison (search for this): chapter 10
ich had so blessed the United States, would blight the Confederate States. For, if Mr. Cable regards the actual history of his country as any more authentic than Dr. Sevier, he must be aware that the States' rights theory came into power with Mr. Jefferson, at the beginning of the century, and guided the platform of every administration (except the second Adams' and Fillmore's), until Mr. Buchanan's. That for many years, of the most splendid growth, the Virginia Resolutions and Report of Mr. Madison were regularly incorporated into the party creed of the party which made the country great. Or, is it his creed, that the same Southern people, who made the South great, glorious and rich, while groaning under legislative inequalities, must have made their country base and poor, when freed from the incubus? This is evidently Mr. Cable's logic: That like causes always produce opposite effects! The most curious part of this subject presents itself when we recall the sort of government w
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