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lity; they are dead and only lying in state, was the common remark. Conway avowed himself eager to resign; Conway to Grafton, 23 April, 1766, in Grafton's Autobiography. and Grafton not only threw up his office, but, before the House of Lords, aGrafton not only threw up his office, but, before the House of Lords, addressing the Prime Minister, who regarded the ascendency of the old whig aristocracy as almost a part of the British constitution, called on him to join in a willingness to be content with an inferior station, for tile sake of accomplishing a junctd statesmen of the country. See Grafton's own account of the incident in his Autobiography. On the resignation of Grafton, Conway, with his accustomed indecision, remained in office, but seized the occasion to escape from the care of America Albemarle's Memoirs of Rockingham and his Contemporaries, i. 335. Lord Hardwicke also refused the place left vacant by Grafton; so did his brother, Charles Yorke; and so did Egmont; till at last it fell to the husband of Conway's step-daughter, th
ristocracy, he proceeded to form a Ministry. Grafton, to whom, on Saturday, he offered the Treasurough, very unwisely, to persist in my desire, Grafton afterwards wrote, more anxious to manifest thltivate Pitt's confidence and esteem; and, to Grafton he said, My plan is a plan of union with your from every act of our lives. Townshend to Grafton, 25 July, 1766, in Grafton's Autobiography; aus he professed himself a devotee to Pitt and Grafton, being sure to do his utmost to thwart the onbinet—of which the Members were Pitt, Camden, Grafton, Conway, Shelburne, and the now inactive Nortam's Ministry, but to the modifications which Grafton afterwards made in it by a junction with the sh set the example of refusing to serve under Grafton; but he insisted to Conway that acts of civilmons. There was but one voice among us, said Grafton, nor indeed throughout the Kingdom. Graftes of a great statesman, and wanted fidelity; Grafton, on whom he leaned, was indolent and easily m[1 more...]
t of his headstrong removal of Lord Edgecombe from an unimportant post. Charles Townshend to Grafton, 2 Nov. 1766, in Grafton's Autobiography; Conway to Chatham, 22 Nov. 1766, Chat. Corr. III. 12 1766. Their unions, said Chatham in return, give me no terrors. I know my ground, he wrote to Grafton; Chatham to Grafton, 3 Dec. 1766, in Grafton's Autobiography. and I leave them to indulge thGrafton, 3 Dec. 1766, in Grafton's Autobiography. and I leave them to indulge their dreams. Faction will not shake the King nor gain the public. Indeed, the King is firm, and there is nothing to fear; and he risked an encounter with all his adversaries. To Shelburne, who wa XXVII.} 1766. Dec. hend crossed his plans and leaned to the East India Company, he proposed to Grafton the dismissal of Townshend as incurable. Chatham to Grafton, 7 Dec. 1766, in Grafton's AutobGrafton, 7 Dec. 1766, in Grafton's Autobiography. Burke indulged in sarcasm at the great person, so immeasurably high as not to be reached by argument, and travestied the litany in a solemn invocation to the Minister above. Have mercy upo
ndence. Besides; Townshend, whom Chatham had thrice Chatham to Grafton, 7 Dec. 1766, Ms.; Chatham to Grafton, 23 Jan. 1767. This letter Grafton, 23 Jan. 1767. This letter is printed in the Chat. Corr. III. 200, with the erroneous date of Feb. 9. The third letter of Chatham to Grafton, in which he calls C. TowGrafton, in which he calls C. Townshend incurable, is a letter really dated 9 Feb. 1767. See Grafton's Autobiography for all three. denounced to Grafton as incurable, was moGrafton as incurable, was more and more inclining to the same views, and in giving them effect, exercised over Grafton the superiority, which intellectual vigor and indeSouth Carolina, 12 March, 1767; Walpole's Memoirs II. 417; Compare Grafton to Chatham, 13 March 1767; Chat. Corr. III. 233. None heeded the ers, IV. 211; King to Conway, 27 Feb. 1767, in Albemarle, II. 430; Grafton to Chatham, 28 Feb.; King to Chatham, 3 March. Dowdeswell, the lean himself to call the next Council at his own house. Chatham to Grafton, Wednesday, 11 March 1767, in Grafton's Autobiography. The accumul
held on the twelfth of March at the house of Grafton, Townshend assumed to dictate to the Ministryed his change. Walpole's Memoirs, II. 448. Grafton said well, that the present question was too r the other, to employ the name of Chatham. Grafton Chap. XXIX.} 1767. May. readily adopted a ps Son, 1 June, 1767. To proceed securely, Grafton required some understanding with Chatham; buthe should have five minutes conversation with Grafton. King to Chatham, 30 May, 1767, 34 m. pasted. De Guerchy to Choiseul, 10 June, 1767. Grafton was filled with grief at the sight of his greevening of July 1, 1767, and was delivered by Grafton to the King, July 2. Grafton, urged by June.Grafton, urged by June. the wishes of the King, complained of Shelburne and Chap. XXIX.} 1767. June. intimated, that heBedfords or the Rockinghams; but, of the two, Grafton thought him inclined to prefer the former. Tssions of good will and mutual attachment. Grafton was left with the position of Prime Minister;
intimacy with Conway, and for the time, with Grafton. The comparison with the Autobiography of thd associates, Chap. XXX.} 1767. July. though Grafton desired to effect through Gower a junction with the friends of Bedford. Grafton to Northington, 18 July, 1767. But Rockingham, who never ainst prerogative, he announced to Grafton Grafton to Rockingham, 15 July, 1767; Rockingham to GGrafton, 16 July, 1767. his readiness to form a new Administration. The King whom Rockingham had etters were kept from him. Lady Chatham to Grafton, North End, 31 July, 1767. Of the transactionparted. What did the King say to you? asked Grafton and Conway eagerly, as Rockingham came out; alieved, that on the day of Townshend's death, Grafton advised the recall of Grenville; and that theliving member of the cabinet would own; which Grafton, the Prime Minister, described as absurd; butAutobiography; Compare speeches of Camden, of Grafton, of Shelburne, in the House of Lords, 7 Feb. [6 more...]
nt against America; while Rigby was made Vice-Treasurer of Ireland, till he could get the Pay-Office. All five were friends of the Duke of Bedford, and united re- Chap. XXXI.} 1767. Dec. specting America in one opinion, which it was pretended Grafton also had accepted. Israel Mauduit to Hutchinson, 15 Dec. 1767. Nor be it left unnoticed, that Jenkinson, who took so large a part in framing the Stamp Act, held a place with Lord North at the Treasury Board. In him, boasted Mauduit to hisradford's State Papers, 137. Compare the contrary opinions of Otis, in Gordon's Hist. of the Amer. Rev. i. 228, 229. Chatham, Rockingham, House to Rockingham, 22 Jan. 1768, in Bradford, 142. Conway, Camden, the Treasury Board, at which sat Grafton, Lord North, and Jenkinson, letters which contained the same sentiments, and especially enforced the impracticability of an American representation in the British Parliament. The True Sentiments of America: Contained in a Collection of Letter
American manufactures in Resolves, Memorial of Commissioners of the Customs, 28 March, 1768. Boston Gazette, 29 Feb. 1768. which, said Bernard, were so decently and cautiously worded, that at another time they would scarcely have given offence. Bernard to Shelburne, 1768. Could an army compel a colonist to buy a new coat instead of continuing to wear an old one? or force the consumption of tea? or compel any one to purchase what he was resolved to do without? Every one in England, Grafton, North, even Hillsborough, professed to disapprove of Townshend's Revenue Act. Why will they not quiet America by its revocation? Sending regiments into Boston will be a summons for America to make the last appeal. Grenville and his friends W. S. Johnson's Journal, 15 Feb. 1768, and W. S. Johnson to Pitkin, 12 March, 1768. insisted on declaring Chap. XXXII.} 1768. Feb. meetings and associations like those of Boston illegal and punishable; and advised some immediate chastisement. I
own officers continued and extended their solicitations in England for large and fixed salaries, as the only way to keep the Americans in their dependence. Grenville's influence was the special resource of Hutchinson and Oliver, Oliver to Thomas Whately, 11 May, 1768. who had supported his Stamp Act and suffered as its martyrs; and they relied on Whately to secure for them his attention and favor; which they valued the more, as it seemed to them probable, that he would one day supersede Grafton. Bernard, on his part, addressed his importunities to Hillsborough; and asked leave to become an informer, under an assurance that no exposure should be made of his letters. Bernard to Hillsborough, 12 May, 1768. Yet how could public measures be properly founded on secret communications, known only to the Minister and the King? Should the right of the humblest individual to confront witnesses against him be held sacred? and should rising nations be exposed to the loss of chartered p
id about the Stamp Act, it will be all over with its authority in America. As Grafton had escaped to the country, Hamilton to Calcraft, 24 July, 1768. Chat. Corpinions had no effect, except that the King became daily more importunate with Grafton, that Shelburne should be dismissed. Grafton's Autobiography. The Cabins, they sent to him Dunant, a Genevese, as a British emissary, with written Grafton to Dunant in Grafton's Autobiography. as well as verbal instructions. Paolient to Massachusetts. But with Massachusetts, said Camden, See Camden to Grafton, 4 Sept. 1768, in Grafton's Autobiography. it will not be very difficult to deent opposition than they were upon the Stamp Act. What is to be done? asked Grafton; and Camden answered, Indeed, my dear Chap. XXXV.} 1768. Sept. Lord, I do note punishment ought to be levelled there. Grafton's Autobiography, Camden to Grafton, 4 Sept. 1768. Campbell, v. 279, dates the Letter 4 Oct. But the system w
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