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Browsing named entities in The Daily Dispatch: December 22, 1860., [Electronic resource].

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Howell Cobb (search for this): article 1
. My friend from St. Michael has well proposed that the money received by the Postmaster should be considered in account, and settled with the General Government the day of the ratification of the Ordinance, as adopted by this Convention — that a month hence all matters can be arranged between us as between two independent nations. In the meantime, the accounts should go on, so that no sudden disruption shall take place. Sir, I merely suggest this as spoken by others. I learn that Secretary Cobb has said that the revenue of South Carolina from the Custom-House would not near pay the expense of the Custom-House for the last quarter. I also learn from the best authority that the Post-Offices of South Carolina cost the Government from thirty to forty thousand dollars per quarter, and that the receipts have been less than fifty thousand dollars per annum. Therefore, Mr. President, there need be no great apprehension on this score. But the accounts should, nevertheless, be kept in
taken place in the reception of his resignation at Washington had he have forwarded his commission. Sir, it is well known to every man in the country that if Mr. Buchanan had received it, and appointed another to fill the thrown up commission, no Southern man would have accepted it — no man of South Carolina would have been alloing to secede. There are States going into Conventions. Provisions might be made to arrest their progress. I do not want South Carolina to secede because President Buchanan or any other man besides the people of South Carolina desires not to see it. Come what may — whatever the consequences it may invoke. I think it will best become the people to meet these consequences in the largest assertion of their rights. It may be that Mr. Buchanan is the friend of South Carolina. I do not say that he is, nor do I assert that he is not. I admit no other conclusion from events transpiring before me except that, in the issue now before the country, the President
January 17th (search for this): article 1
and one on the 17th of the same month. It was suggested that a temporary arrangement could go into operation on the 20th of January, so that time be given to the General Government to know our views and be ready to answer yea or nay whether they are disposed to treat. But in the meantime the ordinary operations of our citizens are to go on. One matter more as to the revenues. The Postmaster of Charleston would most likely keep an account until the transaction was settled after January 17th. My friend from St. Michael has well proposed that the money received by the Postmaster should be considered in account, and settled with the General Government the day of the ratification of the Ordinance, as adopted by this Convention — that a month hence all matters can be arranged between us as between two independent nations. In the meantime, the accounts should go on, so that no sudden disruption shall take place. Sir, I merely suggest this as spoken by others. I learn that S
— to warm and not chill this sympathy of our Southern sisters. Mr. President, I have said stop for a day — shut up for a day the port of Charleston, and the ships now loading with the produce of our country would rot before they would go to sea. If an Ordinance is passed they will have no papers — they are stopped from departing. Pass your Ordinance immediately, and what is the consequence? I say, sir, if we were stopped a single day — if we were stopped two days--the eloquence of Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, would be but as a penny whistle compared with the astounding consequences among ourselves. The stoppage of postal arrangements is an argument which will make a man silent, and this would be but the beginning. The port of Charleston stopped! postal arrangements stopped! people unrequited and their ships rotting at our docks, will lead to the stoppage of all ordinary transactions. Is there any argument that can obviate this result? Look at our sister States--they will co
We also hoped and believed that nothing would be done after that until we had a formal adjustment with the Federal Government, or until those forts were demanded by the State. That was the substance of our communication. And I say again, that there is not an intention to reinforce the forts. What do we now see at Washington? We see the Premier — the right hand man of the Administration, a near and dear personal friend of the President — retiring from the Cabinet on that precise issue. Gen. Cass urged vehemently that the forts should be reinforced. The President has resisted, and allowed a Cabinet officer to withdraw, rather than to yield to the proposition. Now, is it natural after such an act that the President should vacillate and concede to other influences that which he so strongly and promptly refused to a personal friend in the Cabinet? I cannot believe it. I cannot think he would be so weak, so vacillating, so uncertain. I, therefore, feel, as I said, that there is
January 20th (search for this): article 1
b the ordinary relations, at least not until it is ascertained what is proposed to be done with the subject. Some gentlemen in the Committee suggest an allowance of ten days for a conference — some suggest one month, and some suggest a longer time — say two months, or after the assembling of the two Conventions of our sister States, which meet on the 7th of January and one on the 17th of the same month. It was suggested that a temporary arrangement could go into operation on the 20th of January, so that time be given to the General Government to know our views and be ready to answer yea or nay whether they are disposed to treat. But in the meantime the ordinary operations of our citizens are to go on. One matter more as to the revenues. The Postmaster of Charleston would most likely keep an account until the transaction was settled after January 17th. My friend from St. Michael has well proposed that the money received by the Postmaster should be considered in account, a
the largest assertion of their rights. It may be that Mr. Buchanan is the friend of South Carolina. I do not say that he is, nor do I assert that he is not. I admit no other conclusion from events transpiring before me except that, in the issue now before the country, the President of the United States will consummate this declaration which will inevitably arouse war with the incoming President. The forts — conversation of the South Carolina Congressmen with the President. Mr. Miles.--I did not suppose that there would be any discussion on the various delicate matters coming before this Convention, before the rising of the Committees; with all deference, therefore, to the gentlemen who have spoken, I may say that this discussion is quite premature. I desire, however, as the discussion has progressed thus far, to say a few words. I am, as members are already perhaps aware, very recently from Washington. I went there with my colleagues for the purpose of informing my
s and custom-houses. This is the most important subject, and the great purpose of the Committee, and I cannot illustrate or elaborate, but merely suggest first in reference to the Custom-House. The conduct of the gentleman who now occupies the Collectorship of the Port, and who has not illustrated to me his idea, has been most commendable. Sir, all I know I read in the newspapers, I know nothing more. I saw the Collector a few times directly after the announcement of the election of Lincoln. The feelings of that gentleman would then have promptly caused him to instantly have thrown up his commission. He did not desire for one minute to remain an officer of the National Government. But, sir, what would have happened if an immediate acceptance had taken place in the reception of his resignation at Washington had he have forwarded his commission. Sir, it is well known to every man in the country that if Mr. Buchanan had received it, and appointed another to fill the thrown up
A. G. Magrath (search for this): article 1
make a permanent or temporary arrangement in reference to the officers of our Post-Office and Custom-House, and that they shall report thereon. Speech of Judge Magrath. The following is the speech made by Judge Magrath on Wednesday, in reply to Chancellor Dunkin: Mr. Magrath said — If we were now in a condition of pJudge Magrath on Wednesday, in reply to Chancellor Dunkin: Mr. Magrath said — If we were now in a condition of profound peace and about to inaugurate this act of secession of South Carolina, from a brotherhood of States in a condition of good will and good wishes, that resolution would be proper and necessary. But when we are about to consummate this great act without the good will and wishes of many of the States of this Confederacy, it isMr. Magrath said — If we were now in a condition of profound peace and about to inaugurate this act of secession of South Carolina, from a brotherhood of States in a condition of good will and good wishes, that resolution would be proper and necessary. But when we are about to consummate this great act without the good will and wishes of many of the States of this Confederacy, it is important that South Carolina should know if the rights claimed in behalf of this Government were to be exercised. Would it be well to inquire whether she shall defer her rights to be exercised within the limits of her own State?--The President of the United States affirms it to be his right, his constitutional duty, and high obl<
ne minute to remain an officer of the National Government. But, sir, what would have happened if an immediate acceptance had taken place in the reception of his resignation at Washington had he have forwarded his commission. Sir, it is well known to every man in the country that if Mr. Buchanan had received it, and appointed another to fill the thrown up commission, no Southern man would have accepted it — no man of South Carolina would have been allowed to do it.--[Applause.] Sir, Mr. Colcock saw, and he is a practical man, that if he had sent in his commission and it, had been accepted, as I presume it would, what would have been the result. I ask any man who knows anything of the commercial relations of Charleston, what would have been the consequence! All the power of the British navy would not have more effectually stopped the port of Charleston. It is well known that if a vessel passes the bar of Charleston without the regular papers, signed by the Collector of the Por
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