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United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 72
onnection of Ireland with the English throne, originating in one of those conquests which Lord Brougham so much deprecates, and since sustained by cruelties which no honest writer can extenuate, does afford a ground for rebellion; while the Confederate States in their present revolt are without the shadow of an excuse. It is not enough to say that jealousies existed. It is not enough to say that fierce discussions had arisen between the North and the South. There can be no apology for this in Union from the pen of one of the most celebrated of its founders. It is not a co-partnership. It does not exist by virtue of a Treaty, but by virtue of a law. By what authority, then, does Lord Brougham, or any other lord, pretend that the United States are waging war for conquest? To assert this, is to be guilty of a gross perversion of the record and of language. The Supremacy of the General Government is the Supremacy of Law. An attempt to overthrow that Supremacy is a felony; and fine
Dublin, Ga. (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 72
are fighting for independence, but it by no means follows, that they are entitled to it. We shall show, before we conclude, that they are not; but here we would merely suggest, that if Ireland should at present break into open revolt, why then Ireland would be fighting for independence. Would the charming features of Lord Brougham beam benevolently upon such an enterprise? Would he be found in his place in Parliament making soft speeches in behalf of a Provisional Government established in Dublin, and voting against all bills for putting down an Irish insurrection? And yet Ireland is no more an integral part of the British Empire than South Carolina is an integral part of the American Union. Nay, if we. look at the matter, and institute a somewhat closer comparison, we find that the connection of Ireland with the English throne, originating in one of those conquests which Lord Brougham so much deprecates, and since sustained by cruelties which no honest writer can extenuate, does a
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 72
e would merely suggest, that if Ireland should at present break into open revolt, why then Ireland would be fighting for independence. Would the charming features of Lord Brougham beam benevolently upon such an enterprise? Would he be found in his place in Parliament making soft speeches in behalf of a Provisional Government established in Dublin, and voting against all bills for putting down an Irish insurrection? And yet Ireland is no more an integral part of the British Empire than South Carolina is an integral part of the American Union. Nay, if we. look at the matter, and institute a somewhat closer comparison, we find that the connection of Ireland with the English throne, originating in one of those conquests which Lord Brougham so much deprecates, and since sustained by cruelties which no honest writer can extenuate, does afford a ground for rebellion; while the Confederate States in their present revolt are without the shadow of an excuse. It is not enough to say that jea
Scarboro (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 72
The Constitution — not Conquest. it is extremely unfortunate that an old gentleman like Lord Brougham, who, in the course of nature, cannot talk much longer in this world, should show such an inclination to talk about things which he does not understand. There may have been a time, before his present period of senility, when he may have comprehended the real political character of the American Union; but if so, that time has certainly gone by; and his Lordship babbled the other day at Scarborough in a way which would have been thought ridiculous in the most callous of Tories. He came, indeed, at last to the sensible conclusion that England and France have no right to interfere in American affairs; but in arriving at this point, he uttered the following extraordinary language: We find one part of the States fighting for separation and independence, and the other part struggling for conquest. The first clause of this proposition is undoubtedly true. The rebels, unquestionably, ar
England (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 72
uch longer in this world, should show such an inclination to talk about things which he does not understand. There may have been a time, before his present period of senility, when he may have comprehended the real political character of the American Union; but if so, that time has certainly gone by; and his Lordship babbled the other day at Scarborough in a way which would have been thought ridiculous in the most callous of Tories. He came, indeed, at last to the sensible conclusion that England and France have no right to interfere in American affairs; but in arriving at this point, he uttered the following extraordinary language: We find one part of the States fighting for separation and independence, and the other part struggling for conquest. The first clause of this proposition is undoubtedly true. The rebels, unquestionably, are fighting for independence, but it by no means follows, that they are entitled to it. We shall show, before we conclude, that they are not; but here
Scotia (search for this): chapter 72
of Lord Brougham beam benevolently upon such an enterprise? Would he be found in his place in Parliament making soft speeches in behalf of a Provisional Government established in Dublin, and voting against all bills for putting down an Irish insurrection? And yet Ireland is no more an integral part of the British Empire than South Carolina is an integral part of the American Union. Nay, if we. look at the matter, and institute a somewhat closer comparison, we find that the connection of Ireland with the English throne, originating in one of those conquests which Lord Brougham so much deprecates, and since sustained by cruelties which no honest writer can extenuate, does afford a ground for rebellion; while the Confederate States in their present revolt are without the shadow of an excuse. It is not enough to say that jealousies existed. It is not enough to say that fierce discussions had arisen between the North and the South. There can be no apology for this insurrection, exce
France (France) (search for this): chapter 72
in this world, should show such an inclination to talk about things which he does not understand. There may have been a time, before his present period of senility, when he may have comprehended the real political character of the American Union; but if so, that time has certainly gone by; and his Lordship babbled the other day at Scarborough in a way which would have been thought ridiculous in the most callous of Tories. He came, indeed, at last to the sensible conclusion that England and France have no right to interfere in American affairs; but in arriving at this point, he uttered the following extraordinary language: We find one part of the States fighting for separation and independence, and the other part struggling for conquest. The first clause of this proposition is undoubtedly true. The rebels, unquestionably, are fighting for independence, but it by no means follows, that they are entitled to it. We shall show, before we conclude, that they are not; but here we would me
Bridewell (search for this): chapter 72
ed to be quite a universal scholar, should know a bit of law, a little chemistry, a morsel of philosophy, something of political economy, more or less of metaphysics, and should know absolutely nothing of the American Constitution-so little, indeed, as to be unaware of the fact that it is the fundamental law of the land, and that in no possible sense can a war in its defense be called a war of Conquest Tipstaves who catch rogues are not conquerors The constable who carries a pick-pocket to Bridewell is not a conqueror. The thief who breaks jail certainly asserts his independence, and is in pursuit of his liberty. But we do not believe his aspirations would appear to be remarkably sublime, even to Lord Brougham's catholic mind, if the thief had been in custody for picking his Lordship's pocket, or stealing his Lordship's plate. There seems to be a notion prevalent in English society, that the American Union was originally a limited co-partnership, from which any member has a right
Alexander Hamilton (search for this): chapter 72
lode this feeble hypothesis. The question was argued, and it was settled before the present Southern belligerent expounders were begotten. The men who established the Union may be reasonably supposed to have understood what they were about — to have known what they desired to effect and to have been capable of effecting it. The identical question of the right of a State to withdraw from the compact, was debated and decided at the very time when the compact was adopted. We quote only Alexander Hamilton, who said: A law, by the very meaning of the term, includes supremacy. It is a rule which those to whom it is prescribed are bound to preserve. This results from every political association. If individuals enter into a state of society, the laws of that society must be the supreme regulator of their conduct. If a number of political societies enter into a larger political society, the laws which the latter may enact, pursuant to the powers intrusted to it by the Constitution, must
Ireland (search for this): chapter 72
endence, but it by no means follows, that they are entitled to it. We shall show, before we conclude, that they are not; but here we would merely suggest, that if Ireland should at present break into open revolt, why then Ireland would be fighting for independence. Would the charming features of Lord Brougham beam benevolently upoIreland would be fighting for independence. Would the charming features of Lord Brougham beam benevolently upon such an enterprise? Would he be found in his place in Parliament making soft speeches in behalf of a Provisional Government established in Dublin, and voting against all bills for putting down an Irish insurrection? And yet Ireland is no more an integral part of the British Empire than South Carolina is an integral part of the Ireland is no more an integral part of the British Empire than South Carolina is an integral part of the American Union. Nay, if we. look at the matter, and institute a somewhat closer comparison, we find that the connection of Ireland with the English throne, originating in one of those conquests which Lord Brougham so much deprecates, and since sustained by cruelties which no honest writer can extenuate, does afford a ground for re
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