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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing). Search the whole document.

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He took a seat in the Senate of Massachusetts in 1802, and he occupied one in that of the United States from 1803 until 1808. when disagreeing with the legislature of Massachusetts on the embargo question, he resigned. From 1806 to 1809 he was Professor of Rhetoric in Harvard College. In the latter year he was appointed by President Madison minister to Russia; and in 1814, while serving in that office, he was chosen one of the United States commissioners to negotiate a treaty of peace at Ghent. After that, he and Henry Clay and Albert Gallatin negotiated a commercial treaty with Great Britain, which was signed July 13, 1815. Mr. Adams remained in London as minister until 1817, when he was recalled to take the office of Secretary of State. This was at the beginning of what was popularly known as the era of good feeling. the settlement of questions growing out of the war with Great Britain (1812-15) having freed the government from foreign political embarrassments and enabled it
act my predecessor, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, appointed successively ministers plenipotentiary to the republics of Colombia, Buenos Ayres, Chile, and Mexico. Unwilling to raise among the fraternity of freedom questions of precedency and etiquette, which even the European monarchs had of late found it necessary in a great measure to discard, he despatched these ministers to Colombia, Buenos Ayres, and Chile without exacting from those republics, as by the ancient principles of political primogeniture he might have done, that the compliment of a plenipotentiary mission should have been paid first by them to the United States. The inselates to these general subjects is among the papers now transmitted to the House. Similar instructions were furnished to the ministers appointed to Buenos Ayres, Chile, and Mexico, and the system of social intercourse which it was the purpose of those missions to establish from the first opening of our diplomatic relations with t
ty by the grant of a foreign prince under conditions equivalent to the concession by them of exclusive commercial advantages to one nation, adapted altogether to the state of colonial vassalage and retaining little of independence but the name. Our plenipotentiaries will be instructed to present these views to the assembly at Panama, and, should they not he concurred in, to decline acceding to any arrangement which may be proposed upon different principles. The condition of the islands of Cuba and Porto Rico is of deeper import and more immediate bearing upon the present interests and future prospects of our Union. The correspondence herewith transmitted will show how earnestly it has engaged the attention of this government. The invasion of both those islands by the united forces of Mexico and Colombia is avowedly among the objects to be matured by the belligerent states at Panama. The convulsions to which, from the peculiar composition of their population, they would be liable
Secretary (Maryland, United States) (search for this): entry adams-john-quincy
ciples of the Declaration of Independence--a substitution of separate State sovereignties, in the place of the constituent sovereignty of the people as the basis of the confederate Union. In the Congress of the confederation the master minds of James Madison and Alexander Hamilton were constantly engaged through the closing years of the Revolutionary War and those of peace which immediately succeeded. That of John Jay was associated with them shortly after the peace, in the capacity of Secretary to the Congress for Foreign Affairs. The incompetency of the Articles of Confederation for the management of the affairs of the Union at home and abroad was demonstrated to them by the painful and mortifying experience of every day. Washington, though in retirement, was brooding over the cruel injustice suffered by his associates in arms, the warriors of the Revolution; over the prostration of the public credit and the faith of the nation in the neglect to provide for the payment even of
e Anglo-Saxons, and the Great Charter of Runnymede with all its numberless confirmations. But the actors of those times had never ascended to the first foundation of civil society among men, nor had any revolutionary system of government been rested upon them. The motive for the Declaration of Independence was on its face avowed to be a decent respect for the opinions of mankind ; its purpose, to declare the causes which impelled the people of the English colonies on the continent of North America to separate themselves from the political community of the British nation. They declare only the causes of their separation, but they announce at the same time their assumption of the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them among the powers of the earth. Thus their first movement is to recognize and appeal to the laws of nature and to nature's God, for their right to assume the attributes of sovereign power as an independent nation.
rvard, he studied law with the eminent Theophilus Parsons, practised at Boston, and soon became distinguished as a political writer. In 1791 he published a series of articles in favor of neutrality with France over the signature of Publius. He was engaged in the diplomatic service of his country as minister, successively, to Holland, England, and Prussia from 1794 to 1801. He received a commission, in 1798, to negotiate a treaty with Sweden. At Berlin he wrote a series of Letters from Silesia. Mr. Adams married Louisa, daughter of Joshua Johnson, American consul at London, in 1797. He took a seat in the Senate of Massachusetts in 1802, and he occupied one in that of the United States from 1803 until 1808. when disagreeing with the legislature of Massachusetts on the embargo question, he resigned. From 1806 to 1809 he was Professor of Rhetoric in Harvard College. In the latter year he was appointed by President Madison minister to Russia; and in 1814, while serving in that of
Charlestown, Mass. (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): entry adams-john-quincy
r. English liberties had failed them. From the omnipotence of Parliament the colonists appealed to the rights of man and the omnipotence of the god of battles. Union! Union! was the instinctive and simultaneous cry throughout the land. Their Congress, assembled at Philadelphia, once — twice — had petitioned the King, had demonstrated to Parliament, had addressed the people of Britain for the rights of Englishmen — in vain. Fleets and armies, the blood of Lexington, and the fires of Charlestown and Falmouth, had been the answer to petition, remonstrance, and address. Independence was declared. The colonies were transformed into States. Their inhabitants were proclaimed to be one people, renouncing all allegiance to the British crown, all co-patriotism with the British nation, all claims to chartered rights as Englishmen. Thenceforth their charter was the Declaration of Independence. Their rights, the natural rights of mankind. Their government, such as should be institut<
Amsterdam (Netherlands) (search for this): entry adams-john-quincy
Adams, John Quincy, 1767- Sixth President of the United States; from 1825 to 1829; Republican; born in Braintree, Mass., July 11, 1767; was a son of President John Adams; and was graduated at Harvard College in 1787. In February, 1778, he accompanied his father to France, where he studied the French and Latin languages for nearly two years. After an interval, he returned to France and resumed his studies, which were subsequently pursued at Amsterdam and at the University of Leyden. At the age of fourteen years, he accompanied Mr. Dana to Russia as his private secretary. The next year he spent some time at Stockholm, Copenhagen, and Hamburg. He afterwards accompanied his father (who was American minister) to England and France and returned home with him early in 1785. After his graduation at Harvard, he studied law with the eminent Theophilus Parsons, practised at Boston, and soon became distinguished as a political writer. In 1791 he published a series of articles in favo
Buenos Ayres (Arizona, United States) (search for this): entry adams-john-quincy
h the advice and consent of the Senate, appointed successively ministers plenipotentiary to the republics of Colombia, Buenos Ayres, Chile, and Mexico. Unwilling to raise among the fraternity of freedom questions of precedency and etiquette, which epean monarchs had of late found it necessary in a great measure to discard, he despatched these ministers to Colombia, Buenos Ayres, and Chile without exacting from those republics, as by the ancient principles of political primogeniture he might havs is among the papers now transmitted to the House. Similar instructions were furnished to the ministers appointed to Buenos Ayres, Chile, and Mexico, and the system of social intercourse which it was the purpose of those missions to establish from or to other nations, licentious privateers, and paper blockades. I cannot without doing injustice to the republics of Buenos Ayres and Colombia forbear to acknowledge the candid and conciliatory spirit with which they have repeatedly yielded to our
Massachusetts Bay (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): entry adams-john-quincy
chartered rights, for English liberties, for the cause of Algernon Sidney and John Hampden, for trial by jury, the habeas corpus and Magna Charta. But the English lawyers had decided that Parliament was omnipotent; and Parliament, in their omnipotence, instead of trial by jury and the habeas corpus, enacted admiralty courts in England to try Americans for offences charged against them as committed in America; instead of the privileges of Magna Charta, nullified the charter itself of Massachusetts Bay, shut up the port of Boston, sent armies and navies to keep the peace and teach the colonies that John Hampden was a rebel and Algernon Sidney a traitor. English liberties had failed them. From the omnipotence of Parliament the colonists appealed to the rights of man and the omnipotence of the god of battles. Union! Union! was the instinctive and simultaneous cry throughout the land. Their Congress, assembled at Philadelphia, once — twice — had petitioned the King, had demonstrat
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