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Virginia Washington (search for this): chapter 18
ct parties, which at present count but few deserters. The division is attributed to moral and philosophical causes. He further reported that the cabal against Washington found supporters exclusively in the north. The French minister desired to repress the ambition of congress for the acquisition of territory, because it mightation, and the two great states came more and more to represent different classes of culture and ideas and interests. On observing congress thus rent by party, Washington raised his voice and called upon George Mason and Jefferson to come forth to save their country. In 1779, when the prosperity of New England had been shown t that God is just, that his justice cannot sleep for ever. The way, I hope, is preparing under the auspices of Heaven for a total emancipation. At that time Washington was a kind and considerate master of slaves, without as yet a title to the character of abolitionist. By slow degrees the sentiment grew up in his mind that to
John Adams (search for this): chapter 18
on of Newburyport, who thought that the liberty which America achieved for itself should prevail without limitation as to color; Parsons, a young lawyer of the greatest promise, from Newburyport; Chap. XVII.} 1779. and Strong of Northampton. John Adams had arrived opportunely from France, to which he did not return till November; and was so far the principal agent in writing out the first draft of the constitution, that it was reputed to be his work. There are no means of distributing its parts to their several authors with certainty. No one was more determined for two branches of the legislature with a veto in the governor than John Adams. To him also more than to any other may be ascribed the complete separation of both branches from appointments to office. The provisions for the total abolition of slavery mark the influence of John Lowell. To Bowdoin was due the form of some of its most admired sections. On the afternoon of the twenty-eighth of October, the committee appo
Gouverneur Morris (search for this): chapter 18
rove an obstacle to connection with Spain; and he found support in northern men. Their hatred of slavery was not an impulse of feeling, but an earnest conviction. No one could declare himself more strongly for the freedom of the negro than Gouverneur Morris of New York, a man of business and a man of pleasure. His hostility to slavery brought him into some agreement with the policy of Gerard, to whom one day in October he said that Spain would have no cause to fear the great body of the confe an article which ought never to be violated on any pretence whatever. But, beyond this, Delaware left the progress Chap. XVII.} 1779. of emancipation to the good — will of the slave-holders. In the constituent convention of New York, Gouverneur Morris struggled hard for measures tending to abolish domestic slavery, so that in future ages every human being, who breathed the air of the state, might enjoy the privileges of a freeman. The proposition, though strongly supported, especially b
William Gordon (search for this): chapter 18
ere applied to them; and they were allowed, like others, to give their testimony even in capital cases. Chap. XVII.} 1777. At the opening of the revolution, William Gordon, the congregationalist minister of Roxbury, though he declined to unsaint every man who still yielded to the prevailing prejudice, declared with others againsl of Boston, both zealous abolitionists; the latter then the leading lawyer in the state. In May, 1777, just before the meeting of the general court at Boston, Gordon, finding in the multiplicity of business before the general court the only apology for their not having attended to the case of slaves, as a preliminary to total governor and lieutenant-governor seats in the senate; that it disfranchised the free negro, a partiality warmly denounced through the press by the historian, William Gordon. There was, moreover, dissatisfaction with the legislature for having assumed constituent powers without authority from the people. Boston, while it recomme
Elbridge Gerry (search for this): chapter 18
ed itself as absolutely as South Carolina. As a consequence, the confederation could contain no interdict of the slave-trade, and the importation of slaves would therefore remain open to any state according to its choice. When on the seventeenth of June, 1779, a renunciation of the power to engage in the slave-trade was proposed as an article to be inserted in the treaty of peace, all the states, Georgia alone being absent, refused the concession by the votes of every member except Jay and Gerry. The rigid assertion of the sovereignty of each state 1780. fostered mutual jealousy. Luzerne, the French envoy who succeeded Gerard, soon came to the conclusion that the confederacy would run the risk of an early dissolution if it should give itself up to the hatred which began to show itself between the north and south. Vermont, whose laws from the first never bore with slavery, knocked steadily at the door of congress to be taken in as a state. In August, 1781, its envoys 1781.
January, 1780 AD (search for this): chapter 18
ia had not considered this declaration as of itself working the emancipation of negro slaves; to accomplish that end, the men of Massachusetts, in deciding how many of their old laws should remain in full force, excepted those parts which were repugnant to the rights and liberties contained Chap. XVII.} 1780. in this constitution. As the delegates gave the closest attention to every line and word in the constitution, this clause did not come up for consideration till the last day of January, 1780, in an adjourned session. Roads having been made for a time impassable by deep snows, there were still many absentees; and, though a quorum was present, the consideration of this question was from its importance deferred. For a month, therefore, other clauses were discussed and settled; and then in a full convention, after deliberation and amendment, this most momentous article of all was adopted. So calm and effortless was the act by which slavery fell away from Massachusetts. Its p
September 13th (search for this): chapter 18
ent. A committee of thirty, composed for the commonwealth at large and for each county excepting the unrepresented county of Dukes and Nantucket, was appointed to prepare a declaration of rights and the form of a constitution. But the house itself continued its free conversation on these subjects till sunset of the sixth of September. The next day it adjourned for more than seven weeks, that its committee might have time to transact the important business assigned them. On the thirteenth of September, the committee assembled at the new court-house in Boston. Among them were Bowdoin, who was president of the convention; Samuel Adams; John Lowell; Jonathan Jackson of Newburyport, who thought that the liberty which America achieved for itself should prevail without limitation as to color; Parsons, a young lawyer of the greatest promise, from Newburyport; Chap. XVII.} 1779. and Strong of Northampton. John Adams had arrived opportunely from France, to which he did not return till
September 6th (search for this): chapter 18
rtant, that liberty was reserved for the members of a committee who were absent to record their votes upon it; and on the next morning they declared their full and free assent. A committee of thirty, composed for the commonwealth at large and for each county excepting the unrepresented county of Dukes and Nantucket, was appointed to prepare a declaration of rights and the form of a constitution. But the house itself continued its free conversation on these subjects till sunset of the sixth of September. The next day it adjourned for more than seven weeks, that its committee might have time to transact the important business assigned them. On the thirteenth of September, the committee assembled at the new court-house in Boston. Among them were Bowdoin, who was president of the convention; Samuel Adams; John Lowell; Jonathan Jackson of Newburyport, who thought that the liberty which America achieved for itself should prevail without limitation as to color; Parsons, a young lawyer
May, 1782 AD (search for this): chapter 18
patriation in opposition to the English assertion of perpetual allegiance, and favored naturalization; but it confined alike the right of expatriation and citizenship to white men. In 1780, Madison expressed the wish that black 1780. men might be set free and then made to serve in the army. And this was often done by individuals. Before the end of the same year, Virginia offered a bounty not of money and lands only, but of a negro to each white man who would enlist for the war. In May, 1782, just thirteen years after Jefferson 1782. had brought in a bill giving power of unconditional emancipation to the masters of slaves, the measure was adopted by the legislature of Virginia. Under this act more slaves received their freedom than were liberated in Pennsylvania or in Massachusetts. Even had light broken in on Jefferson's mind through the gloom in which the subject was involved for him, Virginia would not have accepted from him a plan for making Virginia a free commonwealth
May, 1777 AD (search for this): chapter 18
of Slavery in Massachusetts, 177. In January, 1777, seven-negro slaves joined in petitioning the general court that they might be restored to that freedom which is the natural right of all men, and that their children might not be held as slaves after they arrive at the age of twenty-one years. This petition was referred to a very able committee, on which are the names of Sergeant and John Lowell of Boston, both zealous abolitionists; the latter then the leading lawyer in the state. In May, 1777, just before the meeting of the general court at Boston, Gordon, finding in the multiplicity of business before the general court the only apology for their not having attended to the case of slaves, as a preliminary to total emancipation asked for a final stop to the public and private sale of them by an act of the state. Clothing the argument of Montesquieu in theological language, he said: If God hath made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on the face of the earth, I can see
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