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Carolina, but in the absence of it he should assume that he had such information. The South, he said, had repeatedly warned the North that they were driving them to a point that would result in a separation, and for this they had only been sneered at and maligned. He (Mr. Benjamin) wished to speak in no spirit of recrimination, but to perform his duty. He would call attention to the speech he made four yours ago, predicting this result. Mr. Benjamin here quoted from the speech he made in 1856, and in which he said the time would come when the South would throw the sword into the scale with all the rights of the South, because he did not believe there could be peaceable secession. He said that the words he had then uttered had proved to be true to- day. He would to God that the fears of civil war then expressed would prove only fears, but from what he had heard, it almost seemed us if the other side of the chamber desired to bring about a civil war. South Carolina had declared her
a alone, for next week Mississippi, Alabama, and Florida, will separate from the Union; a week after Georgia will follow them; a little latter Louisiana will secede, and soon after her Arkansas. Now, then, shall we recognize South Carolina as a free and independent State, or shall we coerce by force? He argued that the people of South Carolina had a right to declare themselves free; it was an inherent, inalienable right.--South Carolina had, by the voice of her people, met in convention, in 1860, and repealed the ordinance made by her people when they met in convention in 1788. Mr. Benjamin here quoted from a speech of Daniel Webster's, in the Rhode Island case, to show that a convention of the people duly assembled had proper authority. He (Mr. Webster) had said that a compact was not binding on one party unless the other parties to it lived up to it, and that a compact broken by one could be broken by all. Mr. Benjamin here quoted from Mr. Madison to sustain his position. He (Mr.
ion; a week after Georgia will follow them; a little latter Louisiana will secede, and soon after her Arkansas. Now, then, shall we recognize South Carolina as a free and independent State, or shall we coerce by force? He argued that the people of South Carolina had a right to declare themselves free; it was an inherent, inalienable right.--South Carolina had, by the voice of her people, met in convention, in 1860, and repealed the ordinance made by her people when they met in convention in 1788. Mr. Benjamin here quoted from a speech of Daniel Webster's, in the Rhode Island case, to show that a convention of the people duly assembled had proper authority. He (Mr. Webster) had said that a compact was not binding on one party unless the other parties to it lived up to it, and that a compact broken by one could be broken by all. Mr. Benjamin here quoted from Mr. Madison to sustain his position. He (Mr. Benjamin) said that no one could find any article in the Constitution requiring fo
John Quincy Adams (search for this): article 1
ong? Suppose that South Carolina should then withdraw from the Union, who could say it was a violation of the Constitution? Suppose, again, that a wrong is perpetrated which does not appear quite clear to the North, but does appear clear to South Carolina--suppose she is denied access to the Territories, is she without any remedy under the Constitution? If there is none, then she must be the judge of the wrong and mode of redress. He read an extract from an address delivered by John Quincy Adams in New York, in 1838, in which he said nations themselves must be the able judge whether compacts are broken, and also saying "that when all fraternal feeling was gone between the States, then it was time to separate in peace and return to their original state." He (Mr. Benjamin) said that a sectional President had been elected, who could, with the aid of a sectional Senate, grant all the benefits to and appoint from one section all the officers in the gift of the government, and thus
of her people, met in convention, in 1860, and repealed the ordinance made by her people when they met in convention in 1788. Mr. Benjamin here quoted from a speech of Daniel Webster's, in the Rhode Island case, to show that a convention of the people duly assembled had proper authority. He (Mr. Webster) had said that a compact was not binding on one party unless the other parties to it lived up to it, and that a compact broken by one could be broken by all. Mr. Benjamin here quoted from Mr. Madison to sustain his position. He (Mr. Benjamin) said that no one could find any article in the Constitution requiring force to be used to coerce a State.--He referred to the old Confederation, and said that line States seceded from it for the express reason that the compact between them was not kept, and finally all the States seceded but Rhode Island and North Carolina, leaving them as foreign States. He claimed this as a precedent in the formation of the present Constitution to show the ri
f U. S. Senator Benjamin on the Crisis. Mr. Benjamin, (Opp.,) of La., rose to address the Senatehad only been sneered at and maligned. He (Mr. Benjamin) wished to speak in no spirit of recriminatde four yours ago, predicting this result. Mr. Benjamin here quoted from the speech he made in 1856mpact broken by one could be broken by all. Mr. Benjamin here quoted from Mr. Madison to sustain his position. He (Mr. Benjamin) said that no one could find any article in the Constitution requiring ce and return to their original state." He (Mr. Benjamin) said that a sectional President had been eSenator from Wisconsin (Mr. Doolittle,) he (Mr. Benjamin) claimed that a citizen was bound to obey hhe State think that he has done right? He (Mr. Benjamin) said they could not blockade a port withouState, or reduce her to subjection by war?--Mr. Benjamin here read from "Vattel" to show that the hye and inferior race; never, never. [As Mr. Benjamin concluded his speech he was greeted with up[1 more...]
rolina should then withdraw from the Union, who could say it was a violation of the Constitution? Suppose, again, that a wrong is perpetrated which does not appear quite clear to the North, but does appear clear to South Carolina--suppose she is denied access to the Territories, is she without any remedy under the Constitution? If there is none, then she must be the judge of the wrong and mode of redress. He read an extract from an address delivered by John Quincy Adams in New York, in 1838, in which he said nations themselves must be the able judge whether compacts are broken, and also saying "that when all fraternal feeling was gone between the States, then it was time to separate in peace and return to their original state." He (Mr. Benjamin) said that a sectional President had been elected, who could, with the aid of a sectional Senate, grant all the benefits to and appoint from one section all the officers in the gift of the government, and thus ruin the South. Suppose tha
U. S. Senator (search for this): article 1
Speech of U. S. Senator Benjamin on the Crisis. Mr. Benjamin, (Opp.,) of La., rose to address the Senate. He said he had supposed that, are this, he would have had official information of the position of affairs in South Carolina, but in the absence of it he should assume that he had such information. The South, he said, had repeatedly warned the North that they were driving them to a point that would result in a separation, and for this they had only been sneered at and maligned. He (Mr. Benjamin) wished to speak in no spirit of recrimination, but to perform his duty. He would call attention to the speech he made four yours ago, predicting this result. Mr. Benjamin here quoted from the speech he made in 1856, and in which he said the time would come when the South would throw the sword into the scale with all the rights of the South, because he did not believe there could be peaceable secession. He said that the words he had then uttered had proved to be true to- day. He
ndent State, or shall we coerce by force? He argued that the people of South Carolina had a right to declare themselves free; it was an inherent, inalienable right.--South Carolina had, by the voice of her people, met in convention, in 1860, and repealed the ordinance made by her people when they met in convention in 1788. Mr. Benjamin here quoted from a speech of Daniel Webster's, in the Rhode Island case, to show that a convention of the people duly assembled had proper authority. He (Mr. Webster) had said that a compact was not binding on one party unless the other parties to it lived up to it, and that a compact broken by one could be broken by all. Mr. Benjamin here quoted from Mr. Madison to sustain his position. He (Mr. Benjamin) said that no one could find any article in the Constitution requiring force to be used to coerce a State.--He referred to the old Confederation, and said that line States seceded from it for the express reason that the compact between them was not k
Doolittle (search for this): article 1
urn to their original state." He (Mr. Benjamin) said that a sectional President had been elected, who could, with the aid of a sectional Senate, grant all the benefits to and appoint from one section all the officers in the gift of the government, and thus ruin the South. Suppose that South Carolina is in error in believing that wrong has been done her, still that does not alter the issue whether we shall permit her to withdraw or force her back. In reply to the Senator from Wisconsin (Mr. Doolittle,) he (Mr. Benjamin) claimed that a citizen was bound to obey his State government. The Republican Senators say that they will not coerce a State, but enforce the laws against individuals. But how can they punish an individual in a State for treason? Where are they to find the judge and jury to do so, when all the citizens in the State think that he has done right? He (Mr. Benjamin) said they could not blockade a port without declaring war; they could not embargo one port without clos
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