hide Sorting

You can sort these results in two ways:

By entity
Chronological order for dates, alphabetical order for places and people.
By position (current method)
As the entities appear in the document.

You are currently sorting in ascending order. Sort in descending order.

hide Most Frequent Entities

The entities that appear most frequently in this document are shown below.

Entity Max. Freq Min. Freq
United States (United States) 28 0 Browse Search
Fitz Lee 13 1 Browse Search
Canada (Canada) 12 0 Browse Search
England (United Kingdom) 8 0 Browse Search
Lincoln 8 6 Browse Search
Sherman 7 1 Browse Search
Hatcher 6 0 Browse Search
Tennessee (Tennessee, United States) 6 0 Browse Search
Brazil, Clay County, Indiana (Indiana, United States) 6 0 Browse Search
Mott 6 2 Browse Search
View all entities in this document...

Browsing named entities in a specific section of The Daily Dispatch: April 1, 1865., [Electronic resource]. Search the whole document.

Found 88 total hits in 14 results.

1 2
Tennessee (Tennessee, United States) (search for this): article 4
"Mr. Lincoln, in 1861, could claim, with some show of reason, to be the President of the whole thirty-four States; for, though fifteen of them had unanimously and peremptorily rejected him, they had taken part in the election which led to his triumph. Mr. Lincoln, in 1864, is manifestly the President only of the North! Not only have the eleven Confederate States taken no part in the election, but they have been it by formal and express legislation. The governments of Louisiana and Tennessee chosen delegates to cast the vote of their States, and that vote has been rejected by the Congress at Washington. It is formally declared that the eleven States which form the Confederacy are out Union. The position of the Federal Government thus materially changed. * * "To treat Mr. Lincoln as President over the Southern States, in virtue of the Section, is to commit ourselves to a whole lines of broadness; if those States are portions of the Union, he has not been elected at a
Louisiana (Louisiana, United States) (search for this): article 4
e subject: "Mr. Lincoln, in 1861, could claim, with some show of reason, to be the President of the whole thirty-four States; for, though fifteen of them had unanimously and peremptorily rejected him, they had taken part in the election which led to his triumph. Mr. Lincoln, in 1864, is manifestly the President only of the North! Not only have the eleven Confederate States taken no part in the election, but they have been it by formal and express legislation. The governments of Louisiana and Tennessee chosen delegates to cast the vote of their States, and that vote has been rejected by the Congress at Washington. It is formally declared that the eleven States which form the Confederacy are out Union. The position of the Federal Government thus materially changed. * * "To treat Mr. Lincoln as President over the Southern States, in virtue of the Section, is to commit ourselves to a whole lines of broadness; if those States are portions of the Union, he has not bee
United States (United States) (search for this): article 4
e could see no ground for suspicion of the United States, and considered that such suspicions had b to the magnanimity and forbearance of the United States. He said if there really was a party in the United States hostile to Great Britain, the temptation to enter into a war was particularly strohe said, when Fort Sumter was taken, the Confederate States had been acknowledged as belligerents, ale to match. He denied, however, that the United States had been ill-treated by Great Britain, andishmen, so far from feeling jealous of the United States, felt proud of her on account of kinship, of the North! Not only have the eleven Confederate States taken no part in the election, but theyction is valid, in which case the eleven Confederate States are not members of the Union, or it is ind Mr. Davis is legally President of the Confederate States. If we recognize the present Government of the United States at all, we do, by implication, recognize the independence of the South. We h[2 more...]
England (United Kingdom) (search for this): article 4
the defence of Canada. Mr. d'israeli replied to Mr. Foster, and was followed by John Bright, who openly avowed that Great Britain cannot defend Canada, and that the only way to keep it, is to appeal to the magnanimity and forbearance of the United States. He said if there really was a party in the United States hostile to Great Britain, the temptation to enter into a war was particularly strong, for it was well known to every statesman and public man in both countries that "there is no powegle word that Lincoln has spoken or written, or a single act that he has done, betraying anger or ill-feeling towards Great Britain. Four years ago, he said, when Fort Sumter was taken, the Confederate States had been acknowledged as belligerents, aaragons, which it would not be possible to match. He denied, however, that the United States had been ill-treated by Great Britain, and said that the acknowledgment of belligerent rights was a necessity. Englishmen, so far from feeling jealous of
Canada (Canada) (search for this): article 4
y Mr. S. Fitzgerald, of attention to the report of Jervois upon the defences of Canada, in the course of which Mr. Foster said that if England should undertake to put the whole of Canada in a state of complete defence it would cost a fabulous sum of money, and that he believed there was no reason for doing so, since he could seets. He protested against rushing into this enormous expense for the defence of Canada. Mr. d'israeli replied to Mr. Foster, and was followed by John Bright, who openly avowed that Great Britain cannot defend Canada, and that the only way to keep it, is to appeal to the magnanimity and forbearance of the United States. He said intries that "there is no power in the United Kingdom to defend the territory of Canada successfully against the United States." At the same time, he challenged the stt England would give any cause of offence. However, he was in favor of putting Canada in a posture of defence, since that was the most certain mode of preserving the
In the British House of Commons, on the 18th of March, a debate sprung up upon a call, made by Mr. S. Fitzgerald, of attention to the report of Jervois upon the defences of Canada, in the course of which Mr. Foster said that if England should undertake to put the whole of Canada in a state of complete defence it would cost a fabulous sum of money, and that he believed there was no reason for doing so, since he could see no ground for suspicion of the United States, and considered that such suspicions had been caused alone by the Confederates and their sympathizers, or by certain disappointed prophets. He protested against rushing into this enormous expense for the defence of Canada. Mr. d'israeli replied to Mr. Foster, and was followed by John Bright, who openly avowed that Great Britain cannot defend Canada, and that the only way to keep it, is to appeal to the magnanimity and forbearance of the United States. He said if there really was a party in the United States hostil
xclude or disposes with their votes. If they no longer belong to the Union, then Mr. Lincoln has no authority over them, and his present enterprise is an attempt to conquer an independent nation, not to subdue rebels. In a word, either the election is valid, in which case the eleven Confederate States are not members of the Union, or it is invalid, and the Union has no government whatever. If Mr. Lincoln be lawfully President of the Union, the secession of the South is a legal fact, and Mr. Davis is legally President of the Confederate States. If we recognize the present Government of the United States at all, we do, by implication, recognize the independence of the South. We have of course, no hope that any such argument will influence the policy of the Administration. With that policy neither justice nor reasons has anything to do. It is on the comparative strength, not on the diplomatically or legal rights, of the two confederacies that the action of Her Majesty's Government
the first thing he saw in the newspapers next morning was the proclamation of neutrality and the acknowledgment of belligerent rights. Neither of these measures ought to have been adopted until Mr. Adams had arrived and been waited on, &c.; and the not waiting for his arrival was an unfriendly act, which gave great comfort at Richmond, &c. When we read these remarks we could scarcely prevail on ourselves to believe that this House of Commons is the lineal successor of that body in which Pitt declared, a century ago, that he would suffer any extremity before he would ever consent to dismember the Empire over which the heir of the Princess Sophia bore rule. [It was, by-the-bye, in the House of Lords that this sentiment was uttered. But no matter. We wish to note the change that has come over England.] To this speech Lord Palmerston made a reply of considerable length, devoted to the grossest flattery of the United States Government, and to praise of himself and his administ
oln has spoken or written, or a single act that he has done, betraying anger or ill-feeling towards Great Britain. Four years ago, he said, when Fort Sumter was taken, the Confederate States had been acknowledged as belligerents, at a time when Mr. Adams was expected, as Minister, daily. He, in fact, arrived that day, and the first thing he saw in the newspapers next morning was the proclamation of neutrality and the acknowledgment of belligerent rights. Neither of these measures ought to have been adopted until Mr. Adams had arrived and been waited on, &c.; and the not waiting for his arrival was an unfriendly act, which gave great comfort at Richmond, &c. When we read these remarks we could scarcely prevail on ourselves to believe that this House of Commons is the lineal successor of that body in which Pitt declared, a century ago, that he would suffer any extremity before he would ever consent to dismember the Empire over which the heir of the Princess Sophia bore rule. [I
time, he challenged the strictest investigation to point to a single word that Lincoln has spoken or written, or a single act that he has done, betraying anger or illand, and expresses himself in the warmest language upon the subject: "Mr. Lincoln, in 1861, could claim, with some show of reason, to be the President of the rejected him, they had taken part in the election which led to his triumph. Mr. Lincoln, in 1864, is manifestly the President only of the North! Not only have the tion of the Federal Government thus materially changed. * * "To treat Mr. Lincoln as President over the Southern States, in virtue of the Section, is to comme or disposes with their votes. If they no longer belong to the Union, then Mr. Lincoln has no authority over them, and his present enterprise is an attempt to conqf the Union, or it is invalid, and the Union has no government whatever. If Mr. Lincoln be lawfully President of the Union, the secession of the South is a legal fa
1 2