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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 4. Search the whole document.

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August 1st (search for this): chapter 2
and will be entirely so to-day. I have written it out in full, as you and McKim advised, and so I feel great relief in knowing certainly what I am going to say. But, oh! the bondage and drawback of reading it, as though I had never seen it before!—for I cannot remember two sentences consecutively. Such confinement in delivery will be extremely irksome to me, and, I fear, tedious to the audience; but I am in for it, and must do the best I can. J. M. McKim. To his son Wendell he wrote, on Aug. 1: My address is not quite completed, but nearly so. It is simply a serious, straightforward anti-slavery arraignment of the guilt of the nation, and showing why the present national visitation has come upon us. I have written it without a metaphor, or a single flight of the imagination, or anything to relieve its sombre aspect. To old abolitionists it would be trite, but to the mass of my audience it will, perhaps, be as good as new. . . . One gets weary, however, in the constant affirma
March, 1889 AD (search for this): chapter 2
their posterity would be free forever! But the proposed amendment made no provision whatever for the abolition of slavery in 1900 in such slave States as might not then have enacted it; and, as in the July message, the right to reestablish it was admitted by the stipulation that in that case the Federal Government should be reimbursed. These discreditable qualifications and suggestions are not mentioned by Messrs. Nicolay and Hay in their account of this message (Century Magazine for March, 1889). In view of this menace to the promised emancipation edict of January 1, the abolitionists had no option but to go on, and Mr. Garrison, in writing the call for the annual Subscription Festival on which the maintenance of the American Society depended, rehearsed the reasons for continued effort. The disagreeable alternative was also forced upon him, in common with all other newspaper publishers, of raising the subscription price of the Liberator, or suspending its publication, the p
June 12th, 1862 AD (search for this): chapter 2
urself or Wendell Phillips, is too important to the cause of freedom that injustice should be allowed to impair it. The Garrisonian abolitionist was formerly a Disunionist, and is now a Unionist; and hence he is charged with being inconsistent, or at least with being a convert. . . . There is a conversion. It is, however, to him, and not of him. There is a change; but it is around him, and not in him (Ms. and Lib. 32: 74). Joshua R. Giddings to W. L. Garrison. Jefferson, Ohio, June 12, 1862. Ms. dear Garrison: Thanks for that speech before the Anti- In Boston. Slavery Convention. You gave such utterance to my own feelings that I felt truly grateful on reading it this morning. I thank God that you are yet able to attend such meetings. My friends will not permit me to be present on such occasions. Indeed, it is all I dare do to read their proceedings. Even they give rise to feelings that apparently endanger my existence. But I rejoice to have lived so long and to
December 25th, 1862 AD (search for this): chapter 2
t in his advocacy of sound views on the American question, and feels deeply the dishonor which some of his countrymen have put upon themselves by their pro-Southern sentiments (F. W. Chesson to W. L. G., Feb. 18, 1865, Lib. 35: 46). But without the Proclamation of Emancipation to conjure with, the task would have been infinitely greater, if not impossible. On the eve of its issue, George Thompson wrote to Mr. Garrison as follows: George Thompson to W. L. Garrison. Evening of Christmas Day, 1862. Ms., and Lib. 33.11. In the endeavor to arrive at a sound and unprejudiced judgment on the true state of public feeling in this country, certain facts should be kept in mind. The sentiments of our leading journals, of a portion of our public men, and of the aristocratic circles, at the present time, on the subject of slavery, are precisely similar to those which prevailed in the same quarters during the struggle for the emancipation of our own slaves. In this respect, England
June 7th, 1862 AD (search for this): chapter 2
on Peace. At his suggestion, a Memorial to the President was also prepared, and naturally the task of drafting it fell to him. Two weeks later a delegation appointed by the meeting waited upon President Lincoln at the White House, and Oliver Johnson as their spokesman read the Appeal: To Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States: Lib. 32.102. The Religious Society of Progressive Friends, in Yearly Meeting assembled at Longwood, Chester Co., Pa., from the 5th to the 7th of Sixth month, 1862, under a solemn sense of the perils besetting the country, and of the duty devolving upon them to exert whatever influence they possess to rescue it from impending destruction, beg leave respectfully but earnestly to set forth, for the consideration of President Lincoln: That they fully share in the general grief and reprobation felt at the seditious course pursued in opposition to the General Government by the so-called Confederate States; regarding it as marked by all the revol
July 31st (search for this): chapter 2
zine of American History for October, 1886; also, Lib. 34: 55. For a clever travesty by Orpheus C. Kerr (R. H. Newell) of the President's talk to the colored delegation, see Lib. 32: 140. Early in August Mr. Garrison visited Williamstown, Mass., and delivered an address before the Adelphic Union Aug. 4, 1862. Society of Williams College, which had extended the first invitation of the kind ever received by him. My college oration is almost completed, Ms. he wrote to Oliver Johnson, on July 31, and will be entirely so to-day. I have written it out in full, as you and McKim advised, and so I feel great relief in knowing certainly what I am going to say. But, oh! the bondage and drawback of reading it, as though I had never seen it before!—for I cannot remember two sentences consecutively. Such confinement in delivery will be extremely irksome to me, and, I fear, tedious to the audience; but I am in for it, and must do the best I can. J. M. McKim. To his son Wendell he wrote, o
March 21st, 1861 AD (search for this): chapter 2
n the new year Mr. Garrison yielded to the urgent solicitation of friends in New York, and delivered a lecture, at Cooper Institute in that city, on Jan. 14. The Abolitionists and their Relations to the War, which subsequently received a wide circulation in pamphlet form. The pulpit and Rostrum, Nos. 26 and 27 (double number), containing the above-named lecture, a pro-slavery speech in the U. S. Senate (Jan. 23, 1862) by Garrett Davis of Kentucky, and Alexander H. Stephens's speech (March 21, 1861) declaring African slavery the corner-stone of the Southern Confederacy. New York, 1862 (Lib. 32: 39). In this he vindicated the motives and Lib. 32.14. methods of the Garrisonian abolitionists; replied effectively to the assertions that they were wholly responsible for the war, or had been equally guilty with the secessionists in precipitating it; answered the cry that slavery had nothing to do with the war, and the Government no right or power to touch the institution; and declared e
1834 AD (search for this): chapter 2
of removing that misapprehension in the slightest degree, yet, by the love I bear them, I feel impelled to address this letter to you—hoping it may not be wholly in vain. Lib. 32.30. As for yourself, he continued, you need nothing from Lib. 32.30. me, either by way of information or guidance, at this particular juncture. . . . Your mastery of American affairs is absolute: the key to unlock them is slavery, and of that key you took possession when you first came to this country in 1834, and have ever since used it with all possible skill, diligence, and success . . . . There are few Americans who are so well posted in the history of this country as yourself, while there is scarcely any one in England who seems to have any intelligent knowledge of it. Almost all your writers and public speakers are ever blundering in regard to the constitutional powers of the American Government, as such, and those pertaining to the States, in their separate capacity. Mr. Bright, in his mas
September 7th, 1862 AD (search for this): chapter 2
and one which contained a greater amount of direct quotations from the sacred Scriptures, we venture to say, than any sermon or oration that will find utterance in this town this week. . . . The address was wonderfully vitalized and wonderfully clear—without denunciation and without bitterness, wrote the correspondent of the Springfield Republican (Lib. 34: 136); and Mrs. Child wrote: Garrison's address is admirable; one of the best things he ever did, which is saying a good deal (Ms., Sept. 7, 1862, to R. F. Wallcut). At the close of it, Professor Bascom (who introduced me) expressed his John Bascom. gratification, and said he endorsed every word of it. The audience was not very large, as twenty-five cents were asked for a ticket admitting the holder to both lectures. Hardly any of the Faculty were present except Prof. Bascom. In the evening, Prof. Fowler gave his lecture, and spoke without manuscript or notes for nearly two hours and a half! His theme was The Crisis, which he d
1832 AD (search for this): chapter 2
true state of public feeling in this country, certain facts should be kept in mind. The sentiments of our leading journals, of a portion of our public men, and of the aristocratic circles, at the present time, on the subject of slavery, are precisely similar to those which prevailed in the same quarters during the struggle for the emancipation of our own slaves. In this respect, England is neither better nor worse. Blackwood's Magazine and the Times of to-day are the same as they were in 1832—the one the essence of Toryism, the other of Mammon. . . . On the vital question of slavery, the heart of the people is sound. It would be impossible to carry a pro-slavery resolution in any unpacked assembly in the kingdom. I could obtain a vote of censure from the constituents of every man who has vindicated the cause of the slaveholding rebels. The Times could not obtain an endorsement of its sentiments in any open meeting in the city of London or elsewhere, where an opportunity was aff
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