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Greenfield, Mass. (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
t is a very serious question. . . . Nevertheless, I think the Administration is unnecessarily timid and not undeserving of rebuke. I think that this bellowing, bullying, treasonable party at the North has, after all, but very little left, either in point of numbers or power; the fangs of the viper are drawn, though the venomous feeling remains. Still, it has its effect, and produces a damaging, if not paralyzing, impression at Washington. In February Mr. Garrison lectured in Greenfield, Mass., Feb. 10. after attending the New York State Anti-Slavery Feb. 7, 8. Convention at Albany, and brought home a desperate cold which clung to him for several months. It was during this period that Mr. Phillips made his first visit to Washington, where he delivered two lectures before brilliant Mar. 14, 18. audiences. He received marked attentions in both houses of Congress, and had an interview with Mr. Lincoln which increased his belief that the President was on the road to emanci
Central America (search for this): chapter 2
han the deportation from the country of sixteen hundred million dollars' worth of producing labor, and the substitution in its place of an interest-bearing debt of the same amount (Lib. 32: 119). Five weeks later, having procured an appropriation from Congress with which to make a colonizing experiment, Mr. Lincoln invited a number of representative colored men to hold audience with him at the White House, and appealed to them to second Lib. 32.133. his efforts to establish a colony in Central America, where some American speculators had recently acquired coal mines for which they wished to procure laborers. It seems scarcely credible that a man of such rare shrewdness and common-sense as Mr. Lincoln usually manifested, could have talked such amazing nonsense as he discoursed in this hour's interview. Mr. Garrison, to whom the suggestions of gradualism and colonization brought up old memories, promptly pilloried these remarks of the President in the Refuge of Oppression, pronouncin
Alabama (Alabama, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
overnment in all parts of the kingdom as would effectually deter the English Government from listening to Napoleon's schemes of intervention in favor of the South, and permitting the escape from English ports of other piratical cruisers like the Alabama, and to counteract the plottings of Mason and other rebel J. M. Mason. emissaries in London. To the organizations which were the legitimate and direct outgrowth of Mr. Garrison's antislavery missions to England The Union and Emancipation So. In Glasgow, the vigilance and energetic measures of Mr. Garrison's steadfast friends, Andrew Paton, William Smeal, and a few others, prevented the sailing from the Clyde of a Confederate war vessel that would have been more formidable than the Alabama. were largely due the successful accomplishment of that work, and the enormous advantage which thereby accrued to the American cause. All the anti-slavery people, with here and there an exception, support the North; while the representatives o
Canada (Canada) (search for this): chapter 2
existence. But I rejoice to have lived so long and to have seen so much. Nor can I complain that my constitution has not done me fair service. In short, I am pretty well satisfied with the past, and am full of hope for the future. Although Lincoln has failed to come up to what you and I think he might and should have done, yet he is honest in his positions and will require time to reach our positions. I start for Montreal Mr. Giddings had been appointed Consul-General for British North America the previous year by Mr. Lincoln. on Monday, and think it possible I may visit Boston before I return. Should I do so, shall hope to see [you]. God bless you! Giddings. From the May meetings in Boston Mr. Garrison went to the Yearly Meeting of Progressive Friends at Longwood, in Chester County, Pennsylvania, where he spoke repeatedly during the four days sessions, and prepared the Testimony of the meeting on Slavery and the Rebellion, as well as on Peace. At his suggestion, a M
Boston (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
ustice should be allowed to impair it. The Garrisonian abolitionist was formerly a Disunionist, and is now a Unionist; and hence he is charged with being inconsistent, or at least with being a convert. . . . There is a conversion. It is, however, to him, and not of him. There is a change; but it is around him, and not in him (Ms. and Lib. 32: 74). Joshua R. Giddings to W. L. Garrison. Jefferson, Ohio, June 12, 1862. Ms. dear Garrison: Thanks for that speech before the Anti- In Boston. Slavery Convention. You gave such utterance to my own feelings that I felt truly grateful on reading it this morning. I thank God that you are yet able to attend such meetings. My friends will not permit me to be present on such occasions. Indeed, it is all I dare do to read their proceedings. Even they give rise to feelings that apparently endanger my existence. But I rejoice to have lived so long and to have seen so much. Nor can I complain that my constitution has not done me f
Manchester (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 2
conflict, and delivering many addresses in various parts of Great Britain, Towards the close of last year, and at the beginning of the present, I delivered a large number of lectures in Lancashire and Yorkshire, including eight in the city of Manchester (six of which were in Free Trade Hall). I also gave lectures in Edinburgh, Glasgow, and elsewhere in Scotland. I formally proposed to the Union Americans in London to give the whole of my time, gratuitously, to the work of agitation in this cot the plottings of Mason and other rebel J. M. Mason. emissaries in London. To the organizations which were the legitimate and direct outgrowth of Mr. Garrison's antislavery missions to England The Union and Emancipation Society, formed in Manchester in 1863, with Thomas Bayley Potter, M. P., as its President, and Thomas H. Barker as its indefatigable Secretary, had also many of Mr. Garrison's friends and co-workers among its members, and did an immense work in encouraging and supporting th
Lancaster (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 2
any addresses in various parts of Great Britain, Towards the close of last year, and at the beginning of the present, I delivered a large number of lectures in Lancashire and Yorkshire, including eight in the city of Manchester (six of which were in Free Trade Hall). I also gave lectures in Edinburgh, Glasgow, and elsewhere in Scy of Mr. Garrison's friends and co-workers among its members, and did an immense work in encouraging and supporting the strong Union sympathies of the suffering Lancashire operatives. Mr. Potter's labors were as disinterested as they were ardent, and his munificent pecuniary support—his personal contributions aggregating £ 5000—ee, to hold three hundred meetings and distribute nearly 600,000 pamphlets (Lib. 35: 46). He clearly recognized, and continually impressed upon the workingmen of Lancashire, the fact that the struggle raging in America was their own battle, and that on the maintenance of the great republic the progress of popular institutions all o
Longwood (Pennsylvania, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
, and think it possible I may visit Boston before I return. Should I do so, shall hope to see [you]. God bless you! Giddings. From the May meetings in Boston Mr. Garrison went to the Yearly Meeting of Progressive Friends at Longwood, in Chester County, Pennsylvania, where he spoke repeatedly during the four days sessions, and prepared the Testimony of the meeting on Slavery and the Rebellion, as well as on Peace. At his suggestion, a Memorial to the President was also prepared, and naturat Lincoln at the White House, and Oliver Johnson as their spokesman read the Appeal: To Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States: Lib. 32.102. The Religious Society of Progressive Friends, in Yearly Meeting assembled at Longwood, Chester Co., Pa., from the 5th to the 7th of Sixth month, 1862, under a solemn sense of the perils besetting the country, and of the duty devolving upon them to exert whatever influence they possess to rescue it from impending destruction, beg leave res
Liberia (Liberia) (search for this): chapter 2
gitive slaves to their masters; in April it decreed immediate emancipation in the District of Columbia, and thus finally purged the nation's capital of the stain of slavery; Loyal slave-owners were compensated at the average rate of three hundred dollars for each slave. The bill was passed by a strict party vote, the Democrats solidly opposing it. in June it forever prohibited slavery in all the Territories, and authorized the President to appoint diplomatic representatives to Hayti and Liberia; in July it declared free all slaves of rebel masters coming within the lines of the Union army or found in any place vacated by the rebels, and authorized the President to employ persons of African descent for the suppression of the rebellion, and organize and use them in such manner as he may judge best for the public welfare. It also provided for the education of colored children, and the equal administration of the laws to the colored people, in the District of Columbia; passed a bill
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
.75). Mr. McKim gave practical effect to his belief by speedily identifying himself with the movement to relieve and educate the freedmen; and early in the summer of 1862 he made a visit of inspection to the freed people in the Sea Islands of South Carolina, accompanied by his daughter Lucy, whose musical notation of some of the weird and pathetic slave songs was the first ever published (Lib. 32: 120, 128, 191). The annual meeting of the Massachusetts Society first claimed attention, howeveMajor-General David Hunter, commanding the Department of the South, at Hilton Head, S. C. With delightful pithiness, this old West-Pointer announced that, as the States of Georgia, Florida, Greeley's American Conflict, 2.246; Lib. 32.83. and South Carolina had taken up arms against the United States, it had become necessary to declare them under martial law. Slavery and martial law in a free country are altogether incompatible, he continued. The persons in these three States . . . heretofore h
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