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Our Affairs in the British House of Commons.

The statement made by Mr. Roebuck in the British House of Commons, relative to a conversation with the Emperor of the French upon the subject of recognition — which will be found in our news columns — is calculated to excite the profoundest interest. The people of the Confederate States, it is now apparent, have not been wrong in attributing to the French Emperor dispositions the most friendly, and to Earl Russell and the British Cabinet dispositions the most hostile, towards their cause. In fact, the latter have been our great enemies in the struggle for our independence, and none the less so that their hostility has been of a negative character, instead of being open and boldly expressed. The statement of the Emperor of the French that he on one occasion sent the British Cabinet a proposition to recognize the Confederate States, and that the paper, after having been sent to Lord Lyons, was, by that functionary, most dishonorably handed over to Secretary Seward, cannot be doubted. He could have no inducement to make a false statement upon the subject, especially when he knew that it could so easily be detected and exposed. The explanation of Mr. Geo. Gray is no explanation at all. It relates only to the proposition for a mediation, which, it is well known, was made public by the newspapers, and does not touch on the proposition for recognition, which was altogether a different affair, except to deny flatly that it was ever made.--The Emperor of the French could not possibly have confounded the two, and as it is now a question of veracity between him and Mr. Gray, we choose to believe the Emperor. In the first place he could have had no motive to lie about the matter; and in the second place he might have transmitted the paper to Lord Russell, and the latter might have kept it from his colleagues. Such things have happened in the British Cabinet, and we doubt not will happen again. When two men are equally worthy of belief, and of them positively states that he did ascertain things, he is entitled to credit, notwithstanding any denial of the other, who, of course, cannot know everything that the first may have done. No man can prove a negative. We doubt not, then, that Napoleon transmitted the proposition, that it was withheld from Mr. Gray and transmitted to Lord Lyons, and that Lord Lyons, notwithstanding the high encomium of Mr. Gray, had the weakness or the baseness (just as you like) to betray it to Seward. It is perfectly in character with all his transactions at Washington, where he has been the supple and cringing tool of Seward ever since his arrival. To ingratiate himself with that despicable tool of a despicable faction, he has perpetrated an act which, in private life, would deprive him of the right to be considered and treated as a gentleman.

The instincts of the Confederate people have long since placed these parties in the position which this statement of this French Emperor shows that they occupy. England has claimed to be neutral in this contest. If that be neutrality which, without actual violence, consists in doing all the injury possible to one party and favoring the other to the full extent of everything short of actually taking up arms in its favor, then England has been entirely neutral. We are not sure that she could have done us much more injury by an actual declaration of war. On the other hand, our people have resolutely stuck to their faith in the Emperor, and they now find that they were not deceived. It is the interest of England — at least so think Lord Russell and the Cabinet — that this struggle should continue to the exhaustion of both sides.--Seas of blood must flow in the meantime; but what of that? What is the blood of half a million of fellow creatures when the interest of England is involved, and that interest is reckoned in pounds, shillings, and pence? On the other hand, the people have always had an abiding confidence that the Emperor was their friend, and they have not been deceived. Heavy as have been the charges against him ambitious as he is said to be, and prone to war, he has shown far more humanity than the pacific Russell, whose peace principles extend only to the point of keeping his own carcase out of danger. That safe, and the English nation trading upon our blood and making a profit of our misfortunes, he is perfectly content. He is unwilling to see the war stopped, because it is profitable to England, and therefore he exerts himself everywhere to prevent other States from recognizing us.

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