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A Dictionary of Greek and Roman biography and mythology (ed. William Smith) 29 29 Browse Search
Samuel Ball Platner, Thomas Ashby, A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome 8 8 Browse Search
Titus Livius (Livy), Ab Urbe Condita, books 40-42 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D.) 5 5 Browse Search
Polybius, Histories 2 2 Browse Search
Titus Livius (Livy), Ab Urbe Condita, books 40-42 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D.) 2 2 Browse Search
Appian, The Foreign Wars (ed. Horace White) 1 1 Browse Search
Titus Livius (Livy), Ab Urbe Condita, books 40-42 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D.) 1 1 Browse Search
Titus Livius (Livy), Ab Urbe Condita, books 43-45 (ed. Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D.) 1 1 Browse Search
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Appian, Punic Wars (ed. Horace White), CHAPTER X (search)
des, until the Romans again sent envoys to restore peace, telling them as before to help Masinissa secretly. They artfully Y.R. 572 confirmed Masinissa in the possession of what he had taken B.C. 182 before, in this way. They would neither say anything nor listen to anything, so that Masinissa might not be worsted in the controversy, but they passed between the two litigants with outstretched hands, and this was their way of Y.R. 580 commanding both to keep the peace. Not long afterward B.C. 174 Masinissa raised a dispute about the land known as the "big fields" and the country belonging to fifty towns, which is called Tysca. Again the Carthaginians had recourse to the Romans. Again the latter promised to send envoys to arbitrate the matter, but they delayed until it seemed probable that the Carthaginian interests would be utterly ruined. Y.R. 597 At length they sent the envoys, and among others B.C. 157 Cato. These went to the disputed territory and they asked that both
Polybius, Histories, book 30, The Greek Prisoners In Italy (search)
there was no horror which they did not commit; and a little earlier still they had had a taste of mutual slaughter in the massacres at Arsinoe;Called by Polybius in previous books Conope, 4, 64: 5, 6. Its name was changed to Arsinoe, from its having been rebuilt and enlarged by Arsinoe, sister and wife of Ptolemy Philadelphus (Strabo, 10.2.22). It was on the east bank of the Achelous. Its modern name is Angelokastro. The civil war in Aetolia alluded to here is mentioned in Livy, 41, 25 (B. C. 174). This particular massacre appears to have taken place in B. C. 168-167. Livy (45, 28） narrates that Aemilius was met during his Greek tour in B. C. 167 by a crowd of Aetolians, in a miserable state of destitution, who informed him that five hundred and fifty Aetolian nobles had been massacred by Lyciscus and Tisippus, besides many driven into exile, and that the goods of both had been confiscated. they were, therefore, ready for anything, and their minds were so infuriated that they would no
Polybius, Histories, book 32, Scipio's Manliness (search)
his liberality to his mother was still fresh, she died; and so far from taking back any part of the wealth he had recently bestowed on her, of which I have just spoken, Scipio gave it and the entire residue of his mother's property to his sisters,The two sisters were both named Aemilia; the elder was married to Q. Aelius Tubero, the younger to M. Porcius Cato, elder son of the Censor. The daughters were prevented from taking the inheritance of their mother's property by the lex Voconia (B. C. 174), in virtue of which a woman could not be a haeres, nor take a legacy greater than that of the haeres, or of all the haeredes together. The object of the law was to prevent the transference of the property of one gens to another on a large scale. It was evaded (1) by trusteeships, Gaius, 2, 274; Plutarch, Cic. 41: (2) by the assent of the haeres, Cic. de Off. 2, § 55. And it was relaxed by Augustus in favour of mothers of three children, Dio Cass. 56, 10. See also Cicero de Sen. § 14; de legg
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 40 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D.), chapter 41 (search)
above), but it is not likely that after serving in some unspecified capacity under his brother in Spain in 181 B.C. he should have served as military tribune under his cousin in 180 B.C. in Italy. The consul of 179 B.C., during his censorship in 174 B.C., expelled from the senate his own brother, and Valerius Maximus (II. vii. 5, repeated by Frontinus, Strat. IV. i. 31) asserts that the degradation was due to the discharge of a legion of which he was military tribune. The brother is called simplproduce hopeless confusion. All one can say is that at this time Livy apparently thought that the tribune was the brother of the consul under whom he served. In this connection, I believe that it has not been pointed out that the other censor of 174 B.C. was the other consul of 180 B.C., who, in sect. 10 below, procured the banishment of Nobilior. Perhaps he was actually more responsible than his colleague for the degradation. The cognomen Nobilior remains unexplained on any hypothesis. —this Fu
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 41 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D.), chapter 20 (search)
ummon gladiators from Rome, procuring them by large fees, finally he could find a sufficient supply at home. . . .I have supplied a possible conclusion to the sentence. The lacuna which follows doubtless recorded the elections for the year 174 B.C.: the last clause of the chapter records the assignment of a praetorian province. The consuls for 174 B.C. were Sp. Postumius Albinus and Q. Mucius Scaevola; the praetors C. Cassius Longinus, P. Furius Philus, L. Claudius, M. Atilius Serranus, Cnntence. The lacuna which follows doubtless recorded the elections for the year 174 B.C.: the last clause of the chapter records the assignment of a praetorian province. The consuls for 174 B.C. were Sp. Postumius Albinus and Q. Mucius Scaevola; the praetors C. Cassius Longinus, P. Furius Philus, L. Claudius, M. Atilius Serranus, Cn. Servilius Caepio and L. (or Cn.) Cornelius Scipio son of Africanus (cf. the note to xxvii. 2 below). Scipio the jurisdiction between citizens and aliens.
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 41 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D.), chapter 23 (search)
ten in a spirit of moderation and kindliness, this being especially the view of those who were to recover, contrary to expectations, their lost slaves, Callicrates, one of those who believed that the safety of the state depended on whether the treaty with the Romans were preserved inviolate, It is not certain how many cities again had pro-Macedonian parties, but it is reasonable to believe that the anti-Roman sentiment had thus crystallized. Xenarchus was strategus in 175-174 B.C., and these events probably belong somewhat earlier than Livy represents them. spoke as follows: The matter under discussion, Achaeans, appears to some to be trivial or of only moderate importance, but I for my part consider that a question by far the most serious of all is not only being decided, but somehow or other has been decided. For we who had forbidden to the kings of the Macedonians and to the Macedonians themselves admission to our territories and who knew that the decre
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 41 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D.), chapter 25 (search)
on. Then, as they grew wearied, each faction sent ambassadors to Rome, and of their own accord negotiated with one another regarding the restoration of harmony; this effort, broken up by a new crime, reawakened the old passions. When exiles from Hypata, who belonged to the party of Proxenus, had been promised restoration to their city and a public safeguard had been promised them by Eupolemus,Eupolemus was strategus in 176-175 B.C., and the trouble may have occurred then, not in 174 B.C., when Livy reports it. the chief of the city, eighty distinguished men, whom Eupolemus with the rest of the population had even gone out to meet on their return, although they were received withB.C. 174 courteous addresses and hand-clasps, as they entered the gate appealing in vain to the assurances of safety given and to the gods, were slain. In consequence of this a more serious war flared up afresh. Gaius Valerius Laevinus, Appius Claudius Pulcher, Gaius Memmius, Marcus Popil
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 41 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D.), chapter 27 (search)
and the note). Possibly, however, Nobilior, who was banished in 180 B.C., is the man who is here referred to with the praenomen Lucius; he may have been expelled from the senate in 175 B.C. (XL. li. 1). Velleius (I. x. 6) calls him Fulvius Gnaeus, while Valerius Maximus (II. vii. 5) mentions him without the praenomen. The consuls, after publicly proclaiming their vows on the Capitoline, departed to their provinces. To one of them, Marcus Aemilius,Aemilius was consul in 175 B.C. not in 174 B.C., and Livy is in error as to the name or as to the date. the senate had entrusted the task of suppressing a revolt of the people of Patavium in Venetia, since even their own ambassadors had reported that civil war had flared up in consequence of the rivalry of factions. The ambassadors who had gone to Aetolia to repress similar disturbances reported that the madness of the people could not be checked. The consul's arrival was the cause of safety to the people of Patavium; since he had
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 42 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D.), chapter 49 (search)
an nation in war and from Philip, the king's father, whose reputation sprang from many successful achievements and, besides, even from the war with Rome. Then, too, Perseus' own name, because of the expectation of war with him, never from the time he mounted the throne hadB.C. 171 ceased to be on men's lips. With such thoughts, men of all classes escorted the departing consul. Two ex-consuls were sent with him as military tribunes, Gaius Claudius and Quintus MuciusConsuls in 177 and 174 B.C. respectively; for Mucius' part in the campaign, cf. below, ch. lviii. 13, and lxvii. 9, where he has been promoted to legatus. and three noted young men, Publius Lentulus and two named Manlius Acidinus —one was the son of Marcus Manlius, the other of Lucius Manlius. With these the consul left for the army at Brundisium and crossing thence with all his forces, pitched camp near the Place of the NymphsCf. above, ch. xxxvi. 6 and n. 3. in the territory of Apollonia.
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 43 (ed. Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D.), Conspectus Siglorum (search)
t wish. The decree of the senate was read to the envoys, who had been summoned to the senate-house, and they were ordered to name their advocates. They named four, Marcus Porcius Cato,He had benefited the province in 195 B.C. by establishing order and developing mining, cf. XXXIV. xxi. A speech in this case seems to have been once extant under the title Pro Hispanis de frumento (Charisius II. 198. 224 Keil) in which Cato attacked Publius Furius Philus, praetor of Nearer Spain in 174 B.C. (XLI. xxi. 3, cf. below, 8) for unjust valuation of grain received as tribute (Asconius on Cicero Divinatio in M. Caecilium 66, Cato accusavit . . . P. Furium pro iisdem (Lusitanis) propter iniquissimam aestimationem frumenti), cf. below, 12. Publius Cornelius Scipio son of Gnaeus,B.C. 171 Lucius Aemilius Paulus son of Lucius,Scipio had been praetor in Farther Spain in 193 B.C. (XXXIV. xliii. 7 records his assignment, XXXV. i. 3-12, his exploits), and Paulus had been in Farther Spain as pra
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