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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
the United States and the confiscation of the property of persons engaged in it,—which, however, made no reference to slavery. The session closed August 6. Sumner on his way to Massachusetts made visits to Mr. Jay at Bedford and Mr. Fish at Garrison's. When he reached Boston his first duty—a deeply sad one—was to visit the home of Longfellow, from which had been removed by tragic death the poet's wife, a noble and accomplished woman, his own constant and loyal friend for twenty years. He wrportunately clamored for a proclamation of emancipation. Ante, pp. 39, 40; post, p. 110; Seward's Life, vol. III. pp 118, 135; Welles's Lincoln and Seward, p. 210; Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. VI p. 128; Owen Lovejoy's letter to W. L. Garrison, Feb. 22, 1864, Liberator, April 1, 1864. Chase wrote to Sumner, August 12: The President's mind undergoes, I think, a progressive change in the line of a more vigorous policy and more decisive enfranchisement. The President carried out his <
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 49: letters to Europe.—test oath in the senate.—final repeal of the fugitive-slave act.—abolition of the coastwise slave-trade.—Freedmen's Bureau.—equal rights of the colored people as witnesses and passengers.—equal pay of colored troops.—first struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—thirteenth amendment of the constitution.— French spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with Fessenden.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—1863-1864. (search)
preserving the rights of the Southern States,— prevailed, April 19, by a vote of twenty-four to seventeen, several Republicans voting affirmatively. Sumner's deep regret at this result is expressed in his letter, April 23, 1864, printed in W. L. Garrison's Life, vol. IV. p. 118. Sumner still wished the bill carried, notwithstanding its exclusion of the Act of 1793 from repeal; but Brown and Conness of his committee refused to support it after the amendment had passed, and it was laid aside. action on the main proposition,—the constitutional amendment to abolish slavery,— the main proposition is to strike slavery wherever you can hit it. Jan. 5, 1865. Works, vol. IX. pp. 193-197. The bill became a law March 3, 1865. William Lloyd Garrison wrote to Sumner from Boston, June 26, 1864:— My sojourn in Washington was much to see you and some others to the extent I desired; but I wish to express to you my thanks for your very kind attentions, and the great pleasure I felt
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
e United States Senate, during all this terrible war. They will look to you all the more now that peace dawns, and the final settlement of our national troubles is at hand. God grant you strength equal to your day and your duties, is my prayer and that of millions! Singularly enough, another Abolitionist (Garrison) failed to support the negro's cause at this initial stage of the struggle for his political enfranchisement, and heartily sustained the proceedings which excluded him. W. L. Garrison's Life, vol. IV. pp. 122, 123, 153,154. Wendell Phillips, however, stood firmly against his old leader, and carried with him the mass of the Abolitionists. Sumner wrote to Mr. Bright, March 13:— I have your good and most suggestive letter. I concur in it substantially. A practical difficulty is this: Can emancipation be carried out without using the lands of the slave-masters? We must see that the freedmen are established on the soil, and that they may become proprietors. F
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
it worthy of the subject, worthy of the occasion, worthy of the author, and predicted that when those who heard it shall be forgotten, the echoes of its lofty and majestic periods will linger and repeat themselves among the corridors of history. It was the text of a wide discussion in the country, and it received commendation from public journals and a large number of approving correspondents. Works, vol. x. pp. 247-266. Most cordial testimonies came from the antislavery leaders. Garrison wrote of the eloquent and unanswerable speech, based as it is upon absolute justice and eternal right, and bore witness to the assiduity and perseverance, the courage and determination, the devotion and inflexible purpose of its author, through fiery trials and at the risk of martyrdom. Wendell Phillips wrote of the speech with equal enthusiasm and gratitude. Whittier thought the argument irresistible, iron-linked throughout, and sure to live as long as the country has a history. Henry
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 10 (search)
f public law arising during and after the Civil War, Their settlement to the advantage and honor of the country has been largely due to the information and ability which he has brought to them. He was treated, even by those who did not agree with him, as an historical figure, always maintaining the dignity of his high office, laborious and faithful, specially discreet and highly informed, by studies and correspondence, in matters of an international character. In a letter at this time, Mr. Garrison thus bore testimony to Sumner's career:— I take up my pen to congratulate you and the Commonwealth of Massachusetts and the whole country upon your re-election to the Senate of the United States by an almost unanimons vote of the State legislature, in accordance with the all—prevailing sentiment of the people. This fresh expression of popular confidence and appreciation must be extremely gratifying to your feelings,—not on the ground of personal exaltation, but because it is anoth<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 54: President Grant's cabinet.—A. T. Stewart's disability.—Mr. Fish, Secretary of State.—Motley, minister to England.—the Alabama claims.—the Johnson-Clarendon convention.— the senator's speech: its reception in this country and in England.—the British proclamation of belligerency.— national claims.—instructions to Motley.—consultations with Fish.—political address in the autumn.— lecture on caste.—1869. (search)
senator; E. D. Morgan, former governor of New York; John H. Clifford, former governor of Massachusetts; John M. Read, the jurist of Pennsylvania; and James Russell Lowell. The current of opinion was the same in the press. The leaders of the New York journals laid stress on the senator's judicial treatment of the question, his calm and friendly tone, and his pacific spirit. New York Times, April 16, 1869; New York Tribune, April 15; New York Evening Post, April 14 and 15, and May 12. W. L. Garrison, in the New York Independent, April 22, while making some points of criticism, wrote that the speech was delivered in the interest of peace, and for the promotion of justice and good-will. the British minister communicated to his government the fact that the speech had been received with vehement applause by the whole of the Republican press; but there was no division growing out of political differences. Sumner stood then as the representative of American sentiment as rarely any states
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 56: San Domingo again.—the senator's first speech.—return of the angina pectoris.—Fish's insult in the Motley Papers.— the senator's removal from the foreign relations committee.—pretexts for the remioval.—second speech against the San Domingo scheme.—the treaty of Washington.—Sumner and Wilson against Butler for governor.—1870-1871. (search)
ters from January 23 to February 28, being engaged about five weeks in their observations. The character of their report was assured from the beginning. William L. Garrison wrote, Sumner's letter to Garrison is printed in the latter's Life, vol. IV. p. December 2:— I want to thank you for your recent speech in the Senhich condemned strongly the action of the Senate were those from Ira Harris, former senator from New York, M. S. Wilkinson, former senator from Minnesota, William Lloyd Garrison, Gerrit Smith, Governor Claflin of Massachusetts, and A. H. Bullock, former governor of that State. This correspondence noted the popular disapproval andil 5, the report of the commissioners, which, as was expected, was altogether favorable to his view. The report was reviewed and its positions contested by W. L. Garrison in the New York Independent, April 13, 1871. His message contained passages understood to be intended for Sumner. He alluded to acrimonious debates in Congre
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 58: the battle-flag resolution.—the censure by the Massachusetts Legislature.—the return of the angina pectoris. —absence from the senate.—proofs of popular favor.— last meetings with friends and constituents.—the Virginius case.—European friends recalled.—1872-1873. (search)
e of which he had been the promoter. To the surprise of the public, he was supported by William Lloyd Garrison, who had been bitter in his censures of Sumner for opposing the President's re-election. Mr. Garrison's tone in this debate, depreciatory of Sumner, was in contrast with his letters to the senator, already given, and with his tribute in the New York Independent, March 19, 1874. The Springfield Republican, March 10, 1873, dealt plainly with Mr. Garrison's participation in the contest. He was joined by Mrs. Julia Ward Howe, who having signed the petition for rescinding now appearedremonstrants, in which he sought to make clear the points of controversy, and took issue with Mr. Garrison. Springfield Republican, March 7, 1873. Wendell Phillips, who was unable to attend the heaugh, where also at the table were H. L. Pierce, Mr. Hooper, Ex-Governor Emory Washburn, William Lloyd Garrison, and Thomas Russell. He took the chair at a lecture by Edward Jenkins, the English writ
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 19 (search)
d referred by that body to the committee on foreign relations, while Mr. Sumner was its chairman, and which remained unacted upon at the time when he ceased to be such chairman; and later in the same letter he referred to the nine treaties as having failed to receive the consideration of the committee at the time when Mr. Sumner's appointment as its chairman expired. By note of November 7, merely correcting a date, Mr. Fish appeared a third time before the public. In an interview held at Garrison's November 10, with a reporter of the New York Herald, he treated with ridicule the suggestion ascribed to Wendell Phillips that Mr. Sumner had prepared and digested the treaties referred to, which thus made final action only a formality, and replied, with a certain bland smile of contempt, that on the contrary he had pigeon-holed those treaties; he would pay no attention to them whatever. Again, by letter to the Herald, November 10, evening, he supplemented with further statements what he