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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 6,437 1 Browse Search
Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation 1,858 0 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 766 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 310 0 Browse Search
Admiral David D. Porter, The Naval History of the Civil War. 302 0 Browse Search
Raphael Semmes, Memoirs of Service Afloat During the War Between the States 300 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 266 0 Browse Search
Henry Morton Stanley, Dorothy Stanley, The Autobiography of Sir Henry Morton Stanley 224 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition. 222 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 214 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1.. You can also browse the collection for England (United Kingdom) or search for England (United Kingdom) in all documents.

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Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 2: preliminary rebellious movements. (search)
was so in Madison's later days. In a letter to Henry Clay, cited by Dr. Sargeant, in his admirable pamphlet, entitled, England, the United States, and the Southern Confederacy, that statesman and patriot said:--It is painful to see the unceasing eby laws of entail and primogeniture. An aristocracy is patriarchal, parental, and representative. The feudal barons of England were, next to the fathers, the most perfect representative government. The king and barons represented everybody, becauding its claim to justice and beneficence. The great difference between our country and all others, such as France, and England, and Ireland, is, he said, that here there is popular sovereignty, Robert Toombs. while there sovereignty is exercisef the Union as their remedy for the provocation. They threatened to dissolve the Union in 1795, if Jay's Treaty with Great Britain should be ratified by the United States Senate; and the famous Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions of 1798, in which th
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 3: assembling of Congress.--the President's Message. (search)
be a too near imitation of the practice of the monarchs of England in thus opening the sessions of Parliament in person. At ts the cotton crop of the planting coast States, upon which England, France, and the States north of the Potomac, chiefly depethe preservation of peace between the United States and Great Britain, because of the commanding influence of the commercial endent empire; for they believed that his scepter had made England and France their dependents, and that they must necessaril over these thirty-three States, but over the Island of Great Britain and over Continental Europe; and that there is no crown to that monarch. There are five millions of people in Great Britain who live upon cotton. You may make a short crop of grans, and exhaust the supply of cotton for one week, and all England is starving. Then referring to threats of war, and expect00 pounds each, were raised in 1859-60. Of this amount Great Britain took 2,019,252 bales, or more than one-third of the. en
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 4: seditious movements in Congress.--Secession in South Carolina, and its effects. (search)
hought among them. They cherished regret that their fathers were so unwise as to break the political connection with Great Britain. Their admiration, says a correspondent of the London Times, writing from Charleston at the close of April, 1861, forII., of North, of Johnston, he exclaims; of all who contended against the great rebellion which tore these colonies from England, can you hear the chorus which rings through the State of Marion, Sumter, and Pinckney, and not clap your ghostly hands in triumph? That voice says, If we could only get one of the royal race of England to rule over us, we should be content. That sentiment, varied a hundred ways, has been repeated to me over and over again. They were ready for any thing rather tment, and as such had failed; that the relations of the South to the North were such as were those of the Colonies to Great Britain, at the breaking out of the Revolution; and so on, sentence after sentence of like tenor, at the same time appealing
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 8: attitude of the Border Slave-labor States, and of the Free-labor States. (search)
tract of a Letter from John Reynolds, of Belleville, Illinois, to Jefferson Davis and ex-Governor William Smith, of Virginia, dated December 28, 1860. Many influential public journals in the Free-labor States advocated the right of secession and the wrong of coercion. One of these, more widely read and more frequently quoted in the South than any other, as the exponent of public opinion in the North, said:--For far less than this [the election of Mr. Lincoln] our fathers seceded from Great Britain; and they left revolution organized in every State, to act whenever it is demanded by public opinion. The confederation is held together only by public opinion. Each State is organized as a complete government, holding the purse and wielding the sword, possessing the right to break the tie of the confederation as a nation might break a treaty, and to repel coercion as a nation might repel invasion. --New York Herald, November 9, 1860. At a large political meeting in Philadelphia, on
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 9: proceedings in Congress.--departure of conspirators. (search)
le sentiments. The members from the seceding States, with a single exception, sent up to the Speaker brief notices of their withdrawal. These were laid silently upon the table when read, and were no further noticed. Almost imperceptibly those traitors disappeared from the Legislative Hall. The exception referred to was Miles Taylor, of Louisiana, who took the occasion to warn the men of the Free-labor States of the peril of offending the cotton interest. He assured them that France and England would break any blockade that might be instituted, and that all the Border Slave-labor States would join those farther South in making war upon the National Government, if any attempt was made to coerce a State, as the enforcement of law was falsely termed. His remarks became so offensive to loyal ears, that Representative Spinner, from the interior of New York, interrupted him, saying, I think it is high time to put a stop to this countenancing treason in the halls of legislation. He mad
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 10: Peace movements.--Convention of conspirators at Montgomery. (search)
lled against his Government. The Confederates, having assumed for their league a national character, at once presented their claims to recognition as such by the powers of the earth. They sent commissioners to Europe to secure formal recognition by, and make commercial arrangements with, the leading governments there. These Commissioners were William L. Yancey, of Alabama; P. A. Rost<*> of Louisiana; A. Dudley Mann, of Virginia; and T. Butler King, of Georgia. Yancey was to operate in England, Rost in France, and Mann in Holland and Belgium. King seems to have had a sort of roving commission. Yancey had more real ability and force of character than either of the others. He was not a statesman, but a demagogue, and lacked almost every requisite for a diplomatist. He could fill with wild passion an excitable populace at home, but he utterly failed to impress the more sober English mind with a sense of his wisdom or the justice of his cause. Rost was a Frenchman, who emigrated
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 12: the inauguration of President Lincoln, and the Ideas and policy of the Government. (search)
s not immediately given by the Secretary to their letter, when, as we have seen, they had made arrangements themselves with Campbell, their friend and adviser, to delay asking for it. Campbell's letter to the Secretary was also unnoticed; and the charges, actual and implied, of bad faith on the part of the Government, went out uncontradicted. The friends of the conspirators everywhere denounced the Administration as faithless. It was held up to scorn by the organs of the ruling classes in England and on the Continent; and its friends, in the absence of explanations, were unable to defend it with success. State policy, which allowed the President to give a partial explanation three months later, See the President's Message to Congress, July 4, 1861, sixth and seventh paragraphs. commanded silence at that time. The pledges concerning Sumter, and the charge that they had been violated by the Government, were obscured in mystery, and month after month the Opposition pointed signifi
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 13: the siege and evacuation of Fort Sumter. (search)
brasures were closed with iron-clad doors; and within were three 64-pounder columbiads. This was known as the Stevens Battery, so named in honor of its inventor and constructor, Major P. F. Stevens, who was conspicuous in the attack on the Star of the West. There were two other batteries on Cummings's Point of Morris Island, the principal one being known as the Cummings's Point Battery, which was armed with two 42-pounder columbiads, three 10-inch mortars, and a 12-pounder Blakely gun from England. All of the troops on Morris Island were under the command of Brigadier-General James Simons, who had been Speaker of the South Carolina House of Representatives, and the artillery battalion was in charge of Lieutenant-Colonel De Saussure. The iron-clad battery was served under the immediate direction of Captain George B. Cuthbert. The batteries at Cummings's Point were manned by the Palmetto Guards. The spiked guns of Fort Moultrie, on Sullivan's Island, had been restored to good ord
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 16: Secession of Virginia and North Carolina declared.--seizure of Harper's Ferry and Gosport Navy Yard.--the first troops in Washington for its defense. (search)
ng a government within the State without the consent of the Legislature, and in holding or executing any office in such government. The Convention assembled on the 20th of May, the anniversary of the Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence, In 1775 a Convention of the representatives of the citizens of Mecklenburg County, North Carolina, held at Charlotte, passed a series of patriotic resolutions, equivalent in words and spirit to a declaration of independence of the Government of Great Britain. There is a well-founded dispute as to the day on which that declaration was adopted, one party declaring it to be the 20th of May, and another the 31st of May. For a minute account of that affair, see Lossing's Pictorial Field-Book of the Renolution. and on the same day an Ordinance of Secession was adopted by a unanimous vote. In the mean time the Governor had issued an order for the enrollment of thirty thousand minute-men, and the forces of the State had seized, for the second tim
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 21: beginning of the War in Southeastern Virginia. (search)
a leading man in Virginia at that time named Newce--Captain Nuse, as Captain Smith wrote the name. A writer in the Historical Magazine (iii. 347) says, that on earlier maps of Virginia, which he has seen, he finds the point called Newport Neuse, which, he argues, is only another way of spelling Newce, and that the name given is a compound of the name of the celebrated navigator and the Virginia marshal, namely, Newport-Newce. This compounding of words in naming places was then common in England, and became so in this country, as Randolph-Macon, Hampton-Sidney, and Wilkes-Barre. In Captain Smith's map of Virginia, the place is called Point Hope. That map was made after the alleged discovery of Newport with his-supplies. Believing that the name was originally a compound of those of Captain Newport and Marshal Newce, the author of this work adopts the orthography given in the text-Newport — Newce. They found the white inhabitants in sullen mood, but the negroes were jubilant, for
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