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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, chapter 1 (search)
n. 24, 1891, with an oration by T. W. Higginson, and addresses by Rev. George E. Ellis and Robert C. Winthrop; and the public exercises were followed by a reception at Mr. Winthrop's house. and its suMr. Winthrop's house. and its succession of presidents, distinguished by the names of Savage, Winthrop, and Ellis, are an assurance of genuine merit in investigation. Theodore Parker, Wendell Phillips, and Henry Wilson, the last Winthrop, and Ellis, are an assurance of genuine merit in investigation. Theodore Parker, Wendell Phillips, and Henry Wilson, the last an historian as well as Senator and Vice-President, were not admitted to the Society. Richard Hildreth's History of the United States did not bring him membership while he remained in Boston, but aft, has at all times enrolled names honorably known in science, literature, and public life. Mr. Winthrop on the occasion, May 9, 1877, described the distinguished membership at different periods. RR. C. Winthrop's Addresses and Speeches, vol. III. p. 459. There has been also the Thursday Club, of which Mr. Everett was at one time President, and the Friday Club, to the latter of which Mr. Tickno
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 30: addresses before colleges and lyceums.—active interest in reforms.—friendships.—personal life.—1845-1850. (search)
sident of the college; his predecessor, Josiah Quincy, just leaving it; John Quincy Adams, Robert C. Winthrop, Governor McDowell, of Virginia; William Kent, recently appointed professor in the Law Schlement; of the Oregon question, in relation to which he corresponded with English friends and Mr. Winthrop; the administration of Edward Everett, as President of Harvard College, whose inauguration heed his works in news paper notices, and intervened with public men in Washington He wrote Mr Winthrop, M. C., March 15, 1846. at length in favor of including Crawford's name in a resolution of Ccial life, and frequented by many whose dancing days had passed; but after the controversy with Winthrop, he could not enter miscellaneous society without meeting persons who either cut him directly o then Secretary of the Navy, Mr. Pakenham, the British minister, and received attentions from Mr. Winthrop. Sumner was not in Washington again till after his election as senator. In the late summe
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 31: the prison—discipline debates in Tremont Temple.—1846-1847. (search)
with capacity and courage for debate which were more than their match. The crowd of both sexes—young men, and, above all, young women conspicuous in numbers—thronged to the Temple as to a tournament where the fame and gallantry of the knight awakened sentiments quite apart from the cause he espoused. Sumner's reputation as an orator had during the previous year been greatly increased by his Phi Beta Kappa oration at Harvard College and his speeches on the Mexican War. His opposition to Mr. Winthrop's votes on the war and to his re-election, in which Dr. Howe had been associated with him, had made him warm friends as well as bitter enemies in politics and society. He was in the freshness and vigor of his powers; He had become familiar with the platform; and it is remembered that as he handled one adversary after another, he seemed conscious of his strength. The other speakers were without attractions of style and manner, and, except Mr. Gray and Dr. Howe, knew very little of the su
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 32: the annexation of Texas.—the Mexican War.—Winthrop and Sumner.—1845-1847. (search)
umner's political activity at this time. Mr. Winthrop had been from his youth the pride of his nas duty to agitate the subject of slavery; Winthrop's Addresses and Speeches, vol. i. p. 634. ansion. He was reluctant to become a critic of Winthrop's vote; he respected the latter's personal chd against a benefactor. His sole favors from Winthrop were the courtesies bestowed on himself and of Fessenden would have been the eulogist of Winthrop. The New York Tribune, March 16, 1874, madthe responsibility for the measure assumed by Winthrop in his vote for it, whereby he involved the psuch it ought to be arrested at all hazards. Winthrop and a large portion of the Whigs were drawn tblic affairs. July 15. If you fall in with Winthrop, don't avoid him on my account. I don't want Palfrey requesting him to vote for Winthrop. Winthrop declined to give any special intimation as to, 1848. in his journal, the Whig, he reviewed Winthrop's course concerning the war, pronouncing his [121 more...]
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 33: the national election of 1848.—the Free Soil Party.— 1848-1849. (search)
way of avoiding a direct issue on the Wilmot Proviso; At Carthage, Ohio, September, 1847. Boston Whig, Oct. 7, 1847. Winthrop in the House supported it; Feb. 22, 1847. Addresses and Speeches, vol. i. p. 589. and the Northern Whig press very gy adopted it as a politic solution of a vexed question. The proposition, as it came from Berrien in the Senate and from Winthrop in the House, was lost by a vote which was rather party than sectional. The advantages of the acquisition were too apptreated in his campaign speech. It was a forlorn hope; and he received less than a third as many votes as were given to Winthrop, the Whig candidate. In the brief interval then existing between the national and State elections, Sumner, on behalf and held them up as deserving the penalties of treason. Adams, November 9, at Faneuil Hall, made a spirited retort to Winthrop's suggestion. Boston Republican, November 13. The passage of Sumner's speech at Worcester in June, in which he ment
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 34: the compromise of 1850.—Mr. Webster. (search)
t Fillmore in July, and continued till his death, in 1852, to use his personal influence and official power in the direction of his Seventh of March speech. That speech carried the Compromise measures, but it made also a political revolution in Massachusetts. If Webster had spoken as he had hitherto always spoken, if he had spoken as Seward and Chase spoke later in the same month, he would have remained in the Senate; or if he had by choice passed from it, he would have been succeeded by Winthrop. That speech, and what he said and did afterwards in the same line, called Sumner, a few months later, into public life, which otherwise he might never have entered. Webster, and the other Northern supporters of the Compromise in Congress or among the people, put in the foreground its necessity as the only means of saving the Union and avoiding civil war. The Union and the Constitution became their watchword. Von Hoist, vol. v. p. 119, calls the stereotyped formula of fidelity to th
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
eetings. While the Compromise was pending Winthrop was appointed senator in place of Webster, whA. Eliot, elected to Congress as successor to Winthrop. He is an honest and obstinate man, but essenll remained the issue of the State election. Winthrop's course in Congress differed somewhat from Wpectation that you will be the successor of Mr. Winthrop in the Senate. Nothing will give the frienn by Free Soilers and 76 by Democrats) votes, Winthrop 167, and there were 28 scattering, composed m branches for Webster's unexpired term, which Winthrop was temporarily filling. To the end the conthe vote outside of those given for Sumner and Winthrop rose to thirty-five, and the former lacked niause, I cannot doubt the result. Webster and Winthrop will be defeated. Perhaps, at the present mon has been sustained and its candidate. Mr. Winthrop was not again a candidate for office. He awould not have welcomed him as a coadjutor. Winthrop has lived more than forty years since his ret[21 more...]
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
choice a circle of admirers, among whom Everett, Choate, Winthrop, and Bigelow may be named. Mr. Eames, Minister to Venearty, able, and unfailing support which Webster, Everett, Winthrop, and Choate always received from the journals of the cityjournal Boston Courier, may 28. at intervals, and by Mr. Winthrop in an appendix to a volume of his speeches. Published late in May. John A. Andrew wrote, June 2, of Winthrop's reference to Sumner's silence: This retreating arrow from WinthroWinthrop can do you no harm, and it needs no attention. Winthrop's sharp reflections at this time were prompted by Sumner's includWinthrop's sharp reflections at this time were prompted by Sumner's including in a recent edition of his Orations and Addresses his letter to Winthrop, Oct. 25, 1846.(Ante, p. 134.) It should be saiWinthrop, Oct. 25, 1846.(Ante, p. 134.) It should be said, however, that Sumner included the letter as a historical paper, with no purpose to revive a controversy. The Free Soilersarty. John A. Andrew, writing June 2 in reference to Mr. Winthrop's taunt, said:— When by the circumstances a speec
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 37: the national election of 1852.—the Massachusetts constitutional convention.—final defeat of the coalition.— 1852-1853. (search)
t against slavery and its enormities, against its influence on our government, against Hunkers, he would have struck a good blow like yourself on that occasion. When the term of Mr. Davis, Sumner's colleague, was about to expire, there was a general disposition to leave him in retirement. His party was again in power, and Whig opinion turned to three leaders among whom the selection of his successor should be named,—Winthrop, George Ashmun, and Edward Everett (then Secretary of State). Winthrop, now less active as a Whig leader than before, withdrew his name. Ashmun had the support of the western part of the State; but his vote in the caucus fell considerably below that of Everett, who was nominated and elected early in the session of 1853. To Sumner, and indeed to the Free Soilers generally, this result was very agreeable. It was easy for him to keep up friendly relations with Mr. Everett, which it would have been difficult for him to have with either of the other two. The
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
heir confidence in him as the representative of the opinions and policy of Massachusetts, with the regret that Everett had failed to represent them in a critical hour. Among those who wrote their full approval was Linus Child, who had supported Winthrop in the Whig convention in 1846. Prescott wrote, I don't see but what all Boston has got round; in fact, we must call him [Sumner] the Massachusetts senator. George Livermore, of Cambridge, a merchant and a conservative Whig, wrote, May 4:— temper of the multitude present was apparent when the pastor of the Old South Church, a persistent apologist for slavery, inopportunely undertook again its defence with certain texts of Leviticus, but was forced to desist amid cries of shame. Winthrop's declaration that he did not as a senator find himself able to give a conscientious support to some of the measures of the adjustment of 1850 was received, as one who was present wrote at the time, with a tempest of applause, hearty and long-co
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