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September (search for this): chapter 3
Lewis Tappan. P. S. I cannot learn that either of the signers of the Appeal has had any correspondence with any member of the Executive Committee. I am sure the Committee is unanimous in thinking the Appeal ill-tempered and injudicious. Be not hasty with the Philanthropist because the signers of the Appeal are not censured with more severity. Wait a little. W. L. Garrison to G. W. Benson Boston, Sept. 23, 1837. Ms. With regard to our meeting at Worcester on Wednesday Sept. 27, 1837. next, I cannot urge upon you to attend it, if it will interfere materially with your business. But the crisis is a momentous one, and perhaps we have never needed a stronger expression of feeling and sentiment from the thorough-going friends of our cause than at the present time. I hope, therefore, that you will contrive, by hook or by crook, to be at Worcester; for the meeting cannot now avoid a discussion upon the Appeal, and its decision will be looked for with great anxiety a
September 1st, 1837 AD (search for this): chapter 3
himself there began to be privately as near an approximation as his repugnance to some of their objects and methods, his great caution, and the strenuous opposition of his household, permitted. See his Diary for April 19, July 29, Aug. 23, Sept. 1, 1837. Mr. Garrison writes to G. W. Benson, on June 14: Whittier has just gone to New York, to relieve Stanton from the drudgery of epistolary correspondence, and enable him to come to Massachusetts for a few weeks, in order to complete the victoryition of H. B. Stanton's Remarks in the Representatives' Hall, Feb. 23, 24, 1837. Lundy, in particular, had been most useful to him in imparting his special knowledge of the condition of Texas. See Mr. Adams's Diary for July 11, 1836, and Sept. 1, 1837, and his manuscript letters to Lundy of May 12, May 20, and June 2-6, 1836; also the Life of Lundy, pp. 188, 295. Lundy's last visit to Texas (his third) had been in 1834-35, July 8 to April 5 ( Life, pp. 112-188). The reader must seek elsew
March 28th (search for this): chapter 3
cted in Pennsylvania (Lib. 7.11, 47). After the middle of June, Mr. Garrison, for the better health of his family, removed again to Brooklyn, leaving his friend Oliver Johnson as sub-editor in charge of the Lib. 7.99; Ms. June 14, 1837. Liberator, but aiming to write regularly for the paper. Since the annual meeting of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society he had attended four others, to each of which a word must be given. One was the quarterly meeting of the same Society at Lynn, March 28, memorable for the maiden speech, in the anti-slavery cause, of Wendell Phillips, Son of John Phillips, the first mayor of Boston; a graduate of Harvard College in the class of 1831. He had studied law, as has been already noticed (ante, 1.453), and been admitted to the Suffolk bar. His high social position, his profession, his fascinating person, his extraordinary oratorical gifts, made any career he might have chosen practicable for him. His sacrifice in renouncing public honors and a
July (search for this): chapter 3
ing, and fall more and more under the control of popular leaders. It will appear later how far these strictures owed their weight and significance to their clerical rather than to their personal origin. The next assaults on the agitation and its leader were, though equally impersonal at first, distinctly clerical and sectarian. The Pastoral Letter of the General Association of Massachusetts to Lib. 7.129. the Orthodox Congregational churches under its care was issued about the middle of July. The Association met at Brookfield, June 27, 1837 ( Right and Wrong in Boston, 1837, p. 45). The author of the Pastoral Letter was the Rev. Nehemiah Adams, of Boston, whose apologetic work, A Southside view of slavery (1854), afterwards earned for him the sobriquet of Southside Adams. It had two distinct aims—one, to complete the sealing of the churches against anti-slavery lecturers; the other, to draw off their communicants, both male and female, from the public lectures of the Grimke s
October 10th (search for this): chapter 3
n New York, which no amount of public or private interchange of views could adjust—witness that between Mr. Garrison and Elizur Wright, of which we have already had a fragment, and have here another: Ante, p. 168. Elizur Wright, Jr., to W. L. Garrison. Anti-slavery Office, New York, Nov. 6, 1837. Ms. My dear brother: . . . Perhaps your surprise at my first letter The text of this has been preserved only in Mr. Garrison's citations above (p. 168). A second letter was dated Oct. 10, and desired the use of Mr. Garrison's name for the list of contributors to the enlarged Quarterly Anti-Slavery Magazine, which Mr. Wright edited with marked ability. On this head the reply (dated Oct. 23, 1837: see 2d Ann. Report Mass. Abolition Society) was favorable, and, for the rest, covered both letters. would be less were you to reflect, that, not believing in the doctrine of perfect holiness, I am not unprepared to see faults in my best friends, and can reprove them without hating
June 19th, 1833 AD (search for this): chapter 3
agreeing to exclude all discussion of slavery from its columns except as occurring in the Congressional proceedings. The press of the District Lib. 7.66. generally garbled even these. Elsewhere, editors began injuriously to misreport the speeches at anti-slavery Lib. 7.19. meetings. Hezekiah Niles had already thought it expedient to suppress names as well as utterances. Such wretches as Garrison and Dennison, the Savannah Georgian had exclaimed in it's article on negro slavery of June 19, 1833, copied into the Register (44: 295) with blanks and this apology: The names of the persons here inserted are not worth preserving, and we have dashed them out. And finally, the churches, not to be behind the politicians in the race of subserviency to the sum of all villanies, each in its own way endeavored to smother the voices raised on behalf of the slave. The mode, for example, adopted by the Presbyterian General Assembly at Philadelphia, in June, was to lay all anti-slavery Lib. 7.
March 30th (search for this): chapter 3
inney revival of 1831, coincident Noyes's American Socialisms, p. 614. with the founding of the Liberator. This religious awakening took an especial hold on John Humphrey Noyes, a native of Brattleboroa, Vermont, who was six years Mr. Garrison's junior. In February, 1834, it had landed him in a new experience and new views of the Ibid., p. 615. way of salvation, which took the name of Perfectionism —a doctrine at first socialistic neither in form nor in theory. In the spring of 1837, March 30, by Noyes's own account in the American Socialist, June 12, 1879; but pretty certainly either March 20 or an earlier date. See the date of the letter presently to be quoted, which was received early in April (Lib. 7.123). he called at the Anti-Slavery Office in Boston, and found Garrison, Stanton, Whittier, and other leading abolitionists warmly engaged in a dispute about political matters. I heard them quietly, he continues, and when the meeting Am. Socialist, June 12, 1879. broke up I
March 4th, 1837 AD (search for this): chapter 3
d that the abolitionism of the Commonwealth should be pledged to sustain it. Our sole reliance is now on the prompt action of auxiliary and other societies (Official circular). The paper, however, is not to be the organ of our Society, nor is anybody to control my pen. This arrangement will relieve friend Knapp and myself of a heavy burden, which has long crushed us to the earth. It is probable that we shall soon enlarge the paper. This enlargement was made with the tenth number (March 4, 1837). The size of the printed page now became about 16 x 23 inches. By midsummer the subscribers numbered some 3,000 (Ms. June 14, 1837, W. L. G. to G. W. Benson). Mr. May's tribute drove his friend from the room, and Lib. 7.26. called for remarks in modest abnegation on his return. Further— One word as to the Liberator. I have no desire that it Lib. 7.26. should be supported any longer than it is regarded as a useful instrument in the anti-slavery cause. I ask no man to appro
May (search for this): chapter 3
Angelina E. and Sarah M. Grimke—and then Wm. Goodell. I will tell you something about these visits hereafter. For Mr. Adams's own drafts on the abolitionists for support, see p. 77 of the pamphlet edition of H. B. Stanton's Remarks in the Representatives' Hall, Feb. 23, 24, 1837. Lundy, in particular, had been most useful to him in imparting his special knowledge of the condition of Texas. See Mr. Adams's Diary for July 11, 1836, and Sept. 1, 1837, and his manuscript letters to Lundy of May 12, May 20, and June 2-6, 1836; also the Life of Lundy, pp. 188, 295. Lundy's last visit to Texas (his third) had been in 1834-35, July 8 to April 5 ( Life, pp. 112-188). The reader must seek elsewhere an account of the most turbulent and thrilling Lib. 7.27, 30, 31, 33, 69; May's Recollections p. 211; Morse's Life of J. Q. Adams, p. 270. scene ever witnessed in the House of Representatives, when the guilty conscience of the South trembled at the shadow of a petition from slaves submitted b
June (search for this): chapter 3
ted in New Jersey shortly afterward (Lib. 7.94), but was rejected in Pennsylvania (Lib. 7.11, 47). After the middle of June, Mr. Garrison, for the better health of his family, removed again to Brooklyn, leaving his friend Oliver Johnson as sub-edder circumstances of the greatest importance to himself and to the cause. At the New England Anti-Slavery Convention in June, which was studiously excluded from every church in Lib. 7.86. Boston save three—the Methodist Church in Church Lib. 7.9raw off their communicants, both male and female, from the public lectures of the Grimke sisters, who, during the month of June, had excited unprecedented interest in Eastern Massachusetts by their eloquent appeals (generally in churches) on behalf oes raised on behalf of the slave. The mode, for example, adopted by the Presbyterian General Assembly at Philadelphia, in June, was to lay all anti-slavery Lib. 7.103. papers of every kind on the table without reading and without debate. And so en
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