Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for Lewis Cass or search for Lewis Cass in all documents.

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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 33: the national election of 1848.—the Free Soil Party.— 1848-1849. (search)
national convention meeting at Baltimore in May, 1848, nominated Lewis Cass for President. He had been an unhesitating partisan of the annexthe citizens of Massachusetts who were opposed to the nomination of Cass and Taylor to meet at Worcester, June 28, to take such steps as the e the enclosed call For a State convention of all opposed to both Cass and Taylor. has been printed; it was written by Rockwood Hoar. The and Philadelphia seemed formidable when the antislavery opponents of Cass and Taylor came thronging to Buffalo from all parts of the free Statlers. His nomination, by dividing the Democrats in New York, insured Cass's defeat, as that of McLean would probably have insured Taylor's defas a slave State. He dwelt at length on the pro-slavery position of Cass and the unsatisfactory record of Taylor, citing and commenting upon 6; Pennsylvania, 11,263; Wisconsin, 10,418; Michigan, 10,389. He led Cass only in New York and Massachusetts, but by dividing the Democratic v
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
y. Howell Cobb of Georgia and Winthrop being the Democratic and Whig candidates. Ante, p. 148. The slave-power has received its first serious check, and all parties see that the slavery question is soon to be paramount to all others. . . . General Cass's motion in the Senate Looking to a suspension of diplomatic relations with Austria, on account of her treatment of Hungary. will probably be defeated; it would certainly be a dangerous precedent. Nevertheless, I am so sincerely displeased When the balloting was postponed for three days, I thought our friends had lost the chances. My own opinion now is that they are lost beyond recovery; but others do not share this. The pressure from Washington has been prodigious. Webster and Cass have both done all they could. Of course, Boston Whiggery is aroused against me. There were for several days uneasy stomachs at the chances of my success. . . . It is very evident that a slight word of promise or yielding to the hunkers would hav
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
sion began, his credentials were presented by Mr. Cass, whom he invited to do the service as his oletter days, and was again to see better days. Cass had long enjoyed the advantage of various publil into pleasant relations with his associates. Cass, with the recollection of their intercourse in ner with the French Minister; company pleasant; Cass very genial and friendly; Calderon always affecn and Badger. Among its zealous advocates were Cass and Shields from the West; but the most finisheis purpose to join with any party in support of Cass, or any candidate for President, who was commit were made upon them,—among which were those of Cass, Seward, and Soule. Sumner thought at one timeand most of the Whigs desired a hearing for me. Cass, Atchison, Soule, Bright, Norris, and many othetion of a resort to force in resisting the law. Cass, making no reference to Sumner, explained in a avery; and Bright used even stronger language. Cass has complimented me warmly. Soule has express
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
ndisposition, and that if present he should have voted against the bill. Seward and other Northern Whig senators published a certificate confirming his statement as to his illness. All Northern Whig senators present voted against the bill, including Fish, who, however, took no part in the debate at any stage. The majority consisted of a united South, except Bell and Houston, and of all Northern Democrats except four. But this majority was divided in the grounds of its support. Douglas and Cass maintained that the people of the territory, by virtue of popular sovereignty (squatter sovereignty) had alone the right to settle the question of slavery for themselves; while the extreme Southern party maintained that the Constitution secured to slaveholders the right to hold slaves in the territory till its admission as a State, with no power in Congress or the territorial legislature to prohibit it. Douglas's measure, carried without unity of argument, settled nothing. Proposed with the
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 40: outrages in Kansas.—speech on Kansas.—the Brooks assault.—1855-1856. (search)
rd of New York, and Thompson of New Jersey. On Cass's motion he was appointed one of the two memberike's First Blows of the Civil War, p. 394-398. Cass delivered a speech of great length, May 12 and nd confidently count on it next week, after General Cass, when I shall expose this whole crime at grtended to think these comparisons indecent, and Cass thought the metaphor unpatriotic. The latter, umner closed his speech the storm broke forth. Cass was the first to rise, calling it the most un-Ae replied briefly to his assailants, dismissing Cass's censure with a simple reference to old associuthern senator. He came close to the scene,—to Cass's seat (No. 30), within ten feet of it,—continuand, Dodge of Wisconsin, Geyer of Missouri, and Cass of Michigan,—their votes ranging from thirty-thd no other Republican received more than four. Cass accepted, though refusing to be chairman, and icarefully away, with one exception,—that of General Cass, who had not altogether forgotten old relat[1 more.
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 43: return to the Senate.—the barbarism of slavery.—Popular welcomes.—Lincoln's election.—1859-1860. (search)
are described in Works, vol. v. p. 344. which, as it passed down Hancock Street, saluted them with repeated cheers. Later in the campaign he delivered in Fitchburg, and repeated in Worcester, a speech on the popular sovereignty dogma,—a doctrine which admitted the right of the settlers of a territory to establish slavery in it, and showed how such a doctrine, if adopted early in our history, would have largely increased the number of slave States. Works, vol. v. pp. 309-337. Started by Cass and Douglas as a device for evading the issue in Congress between freedom and slavery, it had been substantially adopted by Eli Thayer, the Republican member of Congress for the Worcester District, now seeking a re-election as an independent candidate against Mr. Bailey, who had been nominated by the Republicans. The contest promised to be a close one, and Sumner's speech was thought by those most intimately concerned to have insured Mr. Thayer's defeat. One journal in Boston printed an edi