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Fischer (search for this): chapter 9
ves in its language the record of the barbarous traffic in Slaves. Hune's Darstellung, i. 102 and ff. Nor did France abstain from the slave-trade. At Lyons and Verdun, the Jews were able to purchase slaves for their Saracen customers. Fischer, in Hune, i. 115 In Sicily, and perhaps in Italy, the children of Asia and Africa, in their turn, were exposed for sale. The people of the wilderness and the desert are famed Chap V.} for love of their offspring; yet in the extremity of phurch, and prohibited by the laws of Venice? It could not be effectually checked, till, by the Venetian law, no slave might enter a Venetian ship, and to tread the deck of an argosy of Venice became the privilege and the evidence of freedom. Fischer, in Hiine, i. 116. Marin, in Heeren, II. 260. The spirit of the Christian religion would, before the discovery of America, have led to the entire abolition of the slave-trade, but for the hostility between the Christian church and the follo
Saxon (search for this): chapter 9
complexion and every clime. Senecae Epist. XCV. Agmina exoletorum, per nationes coloresque descripta, &c. De Brevit. Vit. c. XII. When the freedom of savage life succeeded in establishing its power on the ruins of the Roman empire, the great swarms of Roman slaves began to disappear; but the middle age witnessed rather a change in the channels of the slave-trade, than a diminution of its evils. The pirate, and the kidnapper, and the conqueror, still continued their pursuits. The Saxon race carried the most repulsive forms of slavery to England, Chap. V.} where not half the population could assert a right to freedom, and where the price of a man was but four times the price of an ox. The importation of foreign slaves was freely tolerated: in defiance of severe penalties, the Saxons sold their own kindred into slavery on the continent; nor could the traffic be checked, till religion, pleading the cause of humanity, made its appeal to conscience. Even after the conquest,
Beverley (search for this): chapter 9
re-arms except against a deer or a fowl. Confidence so far increased, that the old law, which made death the penalty for teaching the Indians to use a musket, was forgotten; and they were now employed as fowlers and huntsmen. Ibid. II. 103. Beverley, 38. The plantations of the English were widely extended, in unsuspecting confidence, along the James River and towards the Potomac, wherever rich grounds invited to the culture of tobacco; Beverley, 38. Burk, i 231, 232. nor were solitary pBeverley, 38. Burk, i 231, 232. nor were solitary places, remote from neighbors, avoided, since there would there be less competition for the ownership of the soil. Powhatan, the father of Pocahontas, remained, after the marriage of his daughter, the firm friend of the English. He died in 1618; and his younger brother was now the heir to his influence. Should the native occupants of the soil consent to be driven from their ancient patrimony? Should their feebleness submit patiently to contempt, injury, and the loss of their lands? The des
John Hawkins (search for this): chapter 9
frican race would have had no inheritance in the New World. The odious distinction of having first interested 1562 England in the slave-trade, belongs to Sir John Hawkins. He had fraudulently transported a large cargo of Africans to Hispaniola; the rich returns of sugar, ginger, and pearls, attracted the notice of Queen Elizatraffic. Compare Hakluyt, II. 351, 352, with III. 594. Hewat's Carolina, i. 20—26 Keith's Virginia, 31. Anderson's History of Commerce. In the accounts which Hawkins himself give Hakluyt, III. 618, 619. of one of his expeditions, he relates., that he set fire to a city, of which the huts were covered with dry palm leaves, ad in seizing two hundred and fifty. The deliberate and even self-approving frankness with which this act of atrocity is related, and the lustre which the fame of Hawkins acquired, display in the strongest terms the depravity of public sentiment in the age of Elizabeth. The leader in these expeditions was not merely a man of coura
Henry Vane (search for this): chapter 9
Coll. 233—235. but the royalist prisoners of the battle of Worcester; Suffolk County Records, i. 5 and 6. The names of two hundred and seventy are recorded. The lading of the John and Sarah was ironwork, household stuff, and other provisions for planters and Scotch prisoners. Recorded May 14, 1652. and the leaders in the insurrection of Penruddoc, Burton's Diary, IV. 262. 271. 5 Stith, 171. Godwin's Commonwealth, IV. 172. in spite of the remonstrance of Haselrig and Chap. V.} Henry Vane, were shipped to America. At the corresponding period, in Ireland, the crowded exportation of Irish Catholics was a frequent event, and was attended by aggravations hardly inferior to the usual atrocities of the African slave-trade. Lingard, XI. 131,132. In 1685, when nearly a thousand of the prisoners, condemned for participating in the insurrection of Monmouth, were sentenced to transportation, men of influence at court, with rival importunity, scrambled for the convicted insurgents
Hazard (search for this): chapter 9
lavery, This may be inferred from a paper on Virginia, in Thurloe, v. 81, or Hazard, i. 601. though the laws of the colony, at a very early period Chap. V} discosly. See Cobbett's Parl. Hist. i. 1489—1497. The commons acted by petition. Hazard, i. 193. which was followed by a royal proclamation. Hazard, i. 193—198. SeHazard, i. 193—198. Sept 29 The people of England could not have given a more earnest proof of their disposition to foster the plantations in America, than by restraining all competition he commissioners arrived from the colony, and made their report to the king. Hazard, i. 190, 191. Burk, i. 291, 292. They enumerated the disasters which had befalall to the Dissolution of the Virginia Company; London, 1651, p. 15. See, also, Hazard, l. 191; Chalmers, 62; Proud's Pennsylvania, i. 107 and the patents were cancelt faction, but formed the administration on the principles of accommodation. Hazard, i. 189. 192. Burk, II. 11, from ancient records. The vanity of the 1625 mona<
Ley (search for this): chapter 9
of the monarch. Now, therefore, nothing but the judicial decision June remained. The decree, which was to be pronounced by judges who held their office by the tenure of the royal pleasure, Story's Com. i. 27. could not long remain doubtful; at the Trinity term of the ensuing year, judgment was given against the treasurer and company, Stith, 329, 330, doubts if judgment were passed. The doubt may be removed. Before the end of the same term, a judgment was declared by the Lord Chief Justice Ley against the company and their charter, only upon a failer, or mistake in pleading. See a Short Collection of the most Remarkable Passages from the Originall to the Dissolution of the Virginia Company; London, 1651, p. 15. See, also, Hazard, l. 191; Chalmers, 62; Proud's Pennsylvania, i. 107 and the patents were cancelled. Thus the company was dissolved. It had fulfilled its high destinies; it had confirmed the colonization of Virginia, and had conceded a liberal form of governme
Lupus (search for this): chapter 9
of America, have led to the entire abolition of the slave-trade, but for the hostility between the Christian church and the followers of Mahomet. In the twelfth century, Pope Alexander III., true to the spirit of his office, which, during the supremacy of brute force in the middle age, made of the chief minister of religion the tribune of the people and the guardian of the oppressed, had written, that Nature having made no slaves, all men have an equal right to liberty. See his letter to Lupus, king of Valencia, in Historiae Anglicanae Scriptores; Londini, 1652, i. 580. Cum autem omnes liberos natura creasset, nullus conditione nature fuit subditus servituti. But the slave-trade had never relented among the Mahometans: the captive Christian had no alternative but apostasy or servitude, and the captive infidel was treated in Christendom with corre- Chap. V.} sponding intolerance. In the days of the crusaders, and in the camp of the leader whose pious arms redeemed the sepulchre
Belknap (search for this): chapter 9
e articles of the early New England confederacy class persons among the spoils of war. A scanty remnant of the Pequod tribe Winthrop's N. E., i. 234. in Connecticut, the captives treacher- Chap V.} ously made by Waldron in New Hampshire, Belknap's Hist. of N. Hampshire, i. 75, Farmer's edition. the harmless fragments of the tribe of Annawon, Baylies' Plymouth, III. 190. the orphan offspring of King Philip himself, Davis, on Morton's Memorial, 454, 455. Baylies' Plymouth, III. 19oyage of discovery, to be attended by a priest, whose benevolent duty it was, to prevent the kidnapping of the aborigines. T. Southey's West Indies, i. 126. The legislation of independent America has been emphatic Walsh's Appeal, 306—342. Belknap's Correspondence with Tucker, i. Mass. Hist. Coll. IV. 190—211. in denouncing the hasty avarice which entailed the anomaly of negro slavery in the midst of liberty. Ximenes, the gifted coadjutor of Ferdinand and Isabella, the stern grand inqui
Robertson (search for this): chapter 9
iving in robust Ibid. III. 370, 371. health under the sun of Hispaniola, returning from America to plead 1517. the cause of the feeble Indians, in the same year which saw the dawn of the Reformation in Germany, suggested the expedient, The merits of Las Casas have been largely discussed. The controversy seems now concluded. Irving's Columbus, III. 367—378. Navarette, Introduccion, s. LVIII. LIX, The Memoir of Las Casas still exists in manuscript. Herrera, d. II. l. II. c. XX. Robertson's America, b. III. It may yet gratify curiosity to compare Gregoire, Apologie de B. Las Casas, in Mem. de l'inst. Nat. An VIII.; and Verplanck, in N. Y. Hist. Coll. III. 49—53, and 103—105 that negroes might still further be employed to perform the severe toils which they alone could endure. The avarice of the Flemings greedily seized on the expedient; the board of trade at Seville was consulted, to learn how many slaves Chap. V.} would be required. It had been proposed to allow fou<
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