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Browsing named entities in a specific section of John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History. Search the whole document.

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Montgomery Blair (search for this): chapter 24
have it. I would gladly yield it to him. But, though I believe that I have not so much of the confidence of the people as I had some time since, I do not know that, all things considered, any other person has more; and, however this may be, there is no way in which I can have any other man put where I am. I am here; I must do the best I can, and bear the responsibility of taking the course which I feel I ought to take. The members of the cabinet all approved the policy of the measure; Mr. Blair only objecting that he thought the time inopportune, while others suggested some slight amendments. In the new form in which it was printed on the following morning, the document announced a renewal of the plan of compensated abolishment, a continuance of the effort at voluntary colonization, a promise to recommend ultimate compensation to loyal owners, and- That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slave
Simon Cameron (search for this): chapter 24
tion, through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that, to the best of my ability, I had even tried to preserve the Constitution if, to save slavery or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution all together. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I again forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and armin
Salmon P. Chase (search for this): chapter 24
tainty, it was ascertained that it could be reasonably claimed as a Union victory, the President resolved to carry out his long-matured purpose. The diary of Secretary Chase has recorded a very full report of the interesting transaction. On this ever memorable September 22, 1862, after some playful preliminary talk, Mr. Lincoln s to the cabinet meeting their several criticisms and suggestions on the draft he had given them. Perhaps the most important one was that earnestly pressed by Secretary Chase, that the new proclamation should make no exceptions of fractional parts of States controlled by the Union armies, as in Louisiana and Virginia, save the fort fractional parts of States and the forty-eight counties of West Virginia; and also his announcement of intention to enlist the freedmen in military service. Secretary Chase had submitted the form of a closing paragraph. This the President also adopted, but added to it, after the words warranted by the Constitution, his own impor
Durant (search for this): chapter 24
, if possible. What I cannot do, of course I will not do; but it may as well be understood, once for all, that I shall not surrender this game leaving any available card unplayed. Two days later he answered another Louisiana critic: Mr. Durant complains that, in various ways, the relation of master and slave is disturbed by the presence of our army, and he considers it particularly vexatious that this, in part, is done under cover of an act of Congress, while constitutional guarantee omitted about slaves is done and omitted on the same military necessity. It is a military necessity to have men and money; and we can get neither in sufficient numbers or amounts if we keep from or drive from our lines slaves coming to them, Mr. Durant cannot be ignorant of the pressure in this direction, nor of my efforts to hold it within bounds till he and such as he shall have time to help themselves. . . . What would you do in my position? Would you drop the war where it is? Or would y
John C. Fremont (search for this): chapter 24
to save a limb. I felt that measures otherwise unconstitutional might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution, through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that, to the best of my ability, I had even tried to preserve the Constitution if, to save slavery or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution all together. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I again forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and suc
Horace Greeley (search for this): chapter 24
Chapter 24. Criticism of the President for his action on slavery Lincoln's letters to Louisiana friends Greeley's open letter Mr. Lincoln's reply Chicago Clergymen urge emancipation Lincoln's answer- Lincoln issues preliminary proclamation President Proposes constitutional amendment cabinet Considers final ps and invective of the professedly opposition newspapers, but he had also to meet the over-zeal of influential Republican editors of strong antislavery bias. Horace Greeley printed, in the New York Tribune of August 20, a long open letter ostentatiously addressed to Mr. Lincoln, full of unjust censure, all based on the general acoise and dignity with which it maintained his authority as moral arbiter between the contending factions. Executive Mansion, Washington, August 22, 1862. Hon. Horace Greeley. Dear Sir: I have just read yours of the nineteenth, addressed to myself through the New York Tribune. If there be in it any statements or assumptions o
Hodges (search for this): chapter 24
Chapter 24. Criticism of the President for his action on slavery Lincoln's letters to Louisiana friends Greeley's open letter Mr. Lincoln's reply Chicago Clergymen urge emancipation Lincoln's answer- Lincoln issues preliminary proclamation President Proposes constitutional amendment cabinet Considers final proclamation cabinet discusses admission of West Virginia Lincoln signs Edict of freedom- Lincoln's letter to Hodges The secrets of the government were so well kept that no hint whatever came to the public that the President had submitted to the cabinet the draft of an emancipation proclamation. Between that date and the battle of the second Bull Run intervened the period of a full month, during which, in the absence of military movements or congressional proceedings to furnish exciting news, both private individuals and public journals turned a new and somewhat vindictive fire of criticism upon the administration. For this they seized upon the ever-
David Hunter (search for this): chapter 24
ried to preserve the Constitution if, to save slavery or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution all together. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I again forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition, and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrenderi
Abraham Lincoln (search for this): chapter 24
of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State and the people thereof are not then in rebellion against the United States. Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, by virtue of the power in me vested as commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the United States, in time of actual armed rebellion against the authority and government of the United States, and as a fit ae occupied by the half-social, half-official ceremonial of the usual New Year's day reception at the Executive Mansion, established by long custom. At about three o'clock in the afternoon, after full three hours of greetings and handshakings, Mr. Lincoln and perhaps a dozen persons assembled in the executive office, and, without any prearranged ceremony, the President affixed his signature to the great Edict of Freedom. No better commentary will ever be written upon this far-reaching act than
Willie Lincoln (search for this): chapter 24
of the President for his action on slavery Lincoln's letters to Louisiana friends Greeley's open letter Mr. Lincoln's reply Chicago Clergymen urge emancipation Lincoln's answer- Lincoln Lincoln issues preliminary proclamation President Proposes constitutional amendment cabinet Considers fabinet discusses admission of West Virginia Lincoln signs Edict of freedom- Lincoln's letter to Lincoln's letter to Hodges The secrets of the government were so well kept that no hint whatever came to the public nces and sentiments. The open letter which Mr. Lincoln wrote in reply is remarkable not alone for Lincoln. It can hardly be doubted that President Lincoln, when he wrote this letter, intended tha 1862, after some playful preliminary talk, Mr. Lincoln said to his cabinet: gentlemen: I happlaud, and God must forever bless. But Mr. Lincoln was not encouraged by any response to this first consideration of the subject in July. Mr. Lincoln had then already seriously considered it, b[3 more...]
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