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page 54. Mr. Stephens's vision of his c country embraced the whole Republic, from the Atlantic to the Pacific ocean, and from the region of ice to the region of perpetual bloom, with a population of more than thirty millions. At Montgomery, in February--ninety dayslater — he saw his country dwarfed to the insignificant area of six Cotton-producing States on the coast, with a population of four millions five hundred thousand, nearly one-half of whom were bond-slaves, and a seventh (Texas) just hey had nothing to fear at home, for they were united as one people; and they had nothing to fear from abroad, for if war should come, their valor would be sufficient for any occasion. The inaugural ceremonies took place at noon on the 18th, February. upon a plat-form erected in front of the portico of the State House. Davis and Stephens, with the Rev. Dr. Manly, riding in an open barouche, and followed by a large concourse of State officials and citizens, moved from the Exchange Hotel to t
February 14th (search for this): chapter 10
equested to communicate this resolution to the Governors of the several States. This was extremely offensive to the South Carolinians. They saw in it dark visions of the passing away of the sovereignty of their State. That Commonwealth, so lately proclaimed a nation, was thereby shorn of its greatness, and placed on a common level with sister States. The Mercury, speaking for the Hotspurs of the coast region, at once preached rebellion against the usurpers at Montgomery. It declared February 14. that Fort Sumter belonged to South Carolina alone. It was the pet victim of the Palmettoese, and no other wolf should seize it. After two efforts, said the Mercury, to obtain peaceable possession of Fort Sumter, and a submission, for two months, to the insolent military domination in our bay of a handful of men, the honor of the State requires that no further intervention, from any quarter, should be tolerated, and that this fort should be taken, and taken by South Carolina alone. By an
February 15th (search for this): chapter 10
cksburg when apprised of his election, and he hastened to Montgomery on the circuitous railway route by the way of Jackson, Grand Junction, Chattanooga, and West Point. His journey was a continuous ovation. He made twenty-five speeches on the way, all breathing treason to the Government by whose bounty he had been educated and fed, and whose laws he had frequently sworn to uphold. A committee of the Convention and the public authorities of Montgomery met him eight miles from the city. February 15. At Opelika, two companies from Columbus, Georgia, joined the escort. He reached his destination at ten o'clock at night, where he was received with unbounded enthusiasm. Cannon thundered a welcome, and the shouts of a vast multitude filled his ears. At the railway station he was formally received, and made a speech, in which he briefly reviewed the then position of the South, and said the time for compromises had passed. We are now determined, he said, to maintain our position, and m
February 16th (search for this): chapter 10
t, with a population of four millions five hundred thousand, nearly one-half of whom were bond-slaves, and a seventh (Texas) just marching up to join the sad assemblage of recusants. After the election of Davis and Stephens, the Convention directed its chairman to appoint Committees on Foreign Relations, Postal Affairs, Finance, Commerce, Military and Naval Affairs, Judiciary, Patents and Copy-rights, The first application to the Confederate Government for a patent was made on the 16th of February, when J. M. Waldron, of Georgia, asked leave to file a caveat and drawings, setting forth an improvement he had made in railroad switches. and Printing. The most important committees were constructed as follows:-- Foreign Affairs.--Messrs. Rhett, Nisbett, Perkins, Walker, and Keitt. Finance.--Messrs. Toombs, Barnwell, Kenner, Barry, and McRae. Commercial Affairs.--Messrs. Memminger, Crawford, Martin, Curry, and De Clouet. Judiciary.--Messrs. Clayton, Withers, Hale, T. R.
their plans for securing success in the impending conflict. Henry A. Wise, a chief actor among the Virginia politicians at that time, had declared, as we have seen, two months before:--Our minds are made up. The South will not wait until the 4th of March. We will be well under arms before then. See page 43. John Tyler, one of the chief promoters of this Peace movement in Virginia, and President of the Convention, was an advocate of the treason of the South Carolina politicians in 1832-33, in number with the States of the Confederacy. This was the flag under which the maddened hosts of that Confederacy rushed to The conspirators' flag. battle, at the beginning of the war that ensued. It was first displayed in public on the 4th of March, when it was unfurled over the State House at Montgomery. The first assumption of sovereignty on the part of the Convention was on the 12th, February, 1861. when it was resolved that the new Government should take under its charge all ques
the States, and that neither of the great political organizations of the country contemplated a violation of the spirit of the Constitution; that the Constitution was established for the good of the whole people, and that when. the rights of any portion of them are disregarded, redress can and ought to be provided; and that a convention of all the States to propose amendments to the Constitution be recommended. Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio, proposed that the Convention should adjourn to the 4th of April, to enable all of the States to be represented in it. These various propositions and others were earnestly discussed for several days, and votes were taken upon several proposed amendments to the Constitution. These votes were by States, each State having one vote. The eighteenth rule for the action of the conference prescribed this, and added:--The yeas and nays of the members shall not be given or published-only the decision by States. Finally, on the twenty-second day of the s
ccepted the office to which he had been chosen, and made a speech to the Convention, acknowledging with gratitude the expression of their confidence in calling him to that high station. He was in an embarrassing position. His Union speeches in November and January See pages 54 to 57, inclusive. were yet ringing in the ears of the people, and his present attitude needed explanation. He thought it prudent not to attempt any explanation, and simply remarked: It is sufficient for me to say, that it may be deemed questionable if any good citizen can refuse to discharge any duty which may be assigned him by his country in her hour of need. At Milledgeville, in November, See page 54. Mr. Stephens's vision of his c country embraced the whole Republic, from the Atlantic to the Pacific ocean, and from the region of ice to the region of perpetual bloom, with a population of more than thirty millions. At Montgomery, in February--ninety dayslater — he saw his country dwarfed to the insig
n up at the time, when the project of a Flag for the Southern section was under discussion in the journals of the South:-- The first and most proper mode of adjusting those difficulties is to call a National Convention, in conformity with the provisions of the Constitution; a Convention of the States, to which body should be referred the whole subject of our differences; and then, if but a moiety of the lofty, unselfish, enlarged, and kind disposition manifested in that noble Convention of 1787, which framed our Constitution, be the controlling disposition of the new convention, we may hope for some amicable adjustment. If for any reason this mode cannot be carried out, then the second method is one which circumstances may unhappily force upon us; but even this mode, so lamentable in itself considered, and so extreme — so repulsive to an American heart, if judiciously used, may eventuate in a modified and even stronger Union. This is the temporary yielding to the desire of the Sou
dacious, reticent, polished, cold, sagacious, rich in experience of State affairs, possessed of great concentration of purpose, an imperious will, abounding pride, and remarkable executive ability. He was a relentless foe, and was well fitted to be the leader in the commission of a crime greater in magnitude than any recorded in the annals of mankind. Alexander H. Stephens, the lieutenant of the chief of the conspirators, was a few years the junior of Davis, having been born in Georgia in 1812. He had climbed to distinction from obscurity by the force of his own genius. Sickness had kept his frame weak from boyhood, and he never weighed a hundred pounds avoirdupois. His voice was effeminate, yet, when it was used in glowing oratory, of which he was often a charming master, it became, at times, quite sonorous. He was for several years an able representative of his State in the National Congress. More conservative and honest, and less courageous than Davis, he performed a compar
January, 1815 AD (search for this): chapter 10
n front of the portico of the State House. Davis and Stephens, with the Rev. Dr. Manly, riding in an open barouche, and followed by a large concourse of State officials and citizens, moved from the Exchange Hotel to the Capitol, while cannon were thundering. The eminence on which the Capitol stands was crowded at an early hour. It is said that so grand a spectacle had not been seen in the Slave. labor States since the ovation given in New Orleans to the victorious General Jackson, in January, 1815. At one o'clock in the afternoon, after a prayer by Dr. Manly, Davis commenced pronouncing his Inaugural Address. He defended the right of secession; and he declared that, moved by no interest or passion to invade the rights of others, and anxious to cultivate peace and commerce with the nations, if they could not hope to avoid war, they might at least expect that posterity would acquit them of having needlessly engaged in it. Doubly justified, he said, by the absence of wrong on the
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