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Henry C. Wright (search for this): chapter 9
platform remained imperturbable. I was not aware, writes Dr. Furness, of being under any apprehension of personal violence. We were all like General Jackson's cotton-bales at New Orleans. Our demeanor made it impossible for the rioters to use any physical force against us. Rynders found himself in the midst of Francis and Edmund Jackson, of Wendell Phillips, of Edmund Quincy, of Charles F. Hovey, of William H. Furness, of Samuel May, Jr., of Sydney Howard Gay, of Isaac T. Hopper, of Henry C. Wright, of Abby Kelley Foster, of Frederick Douglass, of Mr. Garrison--against whom his menaces were specially directed. Never was a human being more out of his element. The following, according to the Herald, was what greeted Mr. Garrison's ear: Captain Rynders (clenching his fist)--I will not allow you to assail the President of the United States. You shan't do it (shaking his fist at Mr. Garrison). Many voices — Turn him out, turn him out! Captain Rynders--If a million
E. M. P. Wells (search for this): chapter 9
marshalled to repress Abolition as they had not been marshalled since 1835. It must be noted also that this attempt succeeded on the whole. In spite of the triumph which the Abolitionists scored at this particular meeting, it became impossible for them to hold meetings in great cities for some time afterwards. The complicity of the Churches with Slavery is now almost forgotten. Among the Abolitionists during the critical epoch there was to be found no Episcopal clergyman (save the Rev. E. M. P. Wells, of Boston, who early withdrew from the Cause) and no Catholic priest. The Abolition leaders were, nevertheless, drawn largely from the clerical ranks; but they were Unitarians, Methodists, Congregationalists, Baptists, etc., and were generally driven from their own pulpits in consequence of their opinions about Slavery. The Ecclesiastical Apologists for Slavery founded their case upon the New Testament. A literature of exegesis was in existence of which the View of Slavery by Jo
Daniel Webster (search for this): chapter 9
w any disturbance that arises in a public meeting ought to be handled by the managers of the meeting. It has a lesson for all agitators and popular speakers. It gives, indeed, a picture of humanity during a turbulent crisis, a picture that is Athenian, Roman, Mediaeval, modern — a scene of democratic life, flung to us from the ages. I shall copy the account of this meeting almost verbatim from the large Life of Garrison. No comment can add to the power of it. We have to remember that Webster had made his famous Compromise speech just two months before this meeting; and that the phalanxes of all conservative people, from George Ticknor, in Boston, to the rowdies on the Bowery in New York, were being marshalled to repress Abolition as they had not been marshalled since 1835. It must be noted also that this attempt succeeded on the whole. In spite of the triumph which the Abolitionists scored at this particular meeting, it became impossible for them to hold meetings in great ci
Samuel R. Ward (search for this): chapter 9
into your tea. We would do more if allowed. Yes, said a voice in the crowd, you would cut our throats for us. No, was the quick response, but we would cut your hair for you. Douglass concluded his triumphant remarks by calling upon the Rev. Samuel R. Ward, editor of the Impartial Citizen, to succeed him. All eyes, says Dr. Furness, were instantly turned to the back of the platform, or stage rather, so dramatic was the scene; and there, amidst a group, stood a large man, so black that, as Wendell Phillips said, when he shut his eyes you could not see him. As he approached, Rynders exclaimed: Well, this is the original nigger. I've heard of the magnanimity of Captain Rynders, said Ward, but the half has not been told me! And then he went on with a noble voice and his speech was such a strain of eloquence as I never heard excelled before or since. The mob had to applaud him, too, and it is the highest praise to record that his unpremeditated utterance maintained the level of Do
Voltaire (search for this): chapter 9
lready fortified out of that very volume? The effect of the situation on Garrison's temperament may be seen in the meeting at the Tabernacle. There is a demonic element in what he says: his utterance is forced out of him: it is not calculated. You could not reproduce the spirit of this utterance except at the cost of two centuries of human passion. There is a demonic element also in Garrison's courage. He displays, on this occasion, at least two kinds of genius, the genius of satire,---Voltaire might have uttered the scathing slashes about Christ in the presidential chair, --and the all but antipodal genius of infinite sweetness of temperament. The New York Herald in advance of the meeting denounced Garrison for many days in succession, and advised the breaking up of the meeting by violence. According to the Herald, Garrison boldly urges the utter overthrow of the churches, the Sabbath, and the Bible. Nothing has been sacred with him but the ideal intellect of the negro race.
Unitarian (search for this): chapter 9
he proceedings, it would have been wretchedly out of place. As it was, my speech fitted in almost as well as if it had been impromptu, although a sharp eye might easily have discovered that I was speaking memoriter. Rynders interrupted me again and again, exclaiming that I lied, that I was personal; but he ended with applauding me! No greater contrast to what was to follow could possibly be imagined than the genial manner, firm tones, and self-possession, the refined discourse, of this Unitarian clergyman, who was felt to have turned the current of the meeting. There uprose, as per agreement, one Professor Grant, a seedylooking personage, having one hand tied round with a dirty cotton cloth. Mr. Garrison recognized him as a former pressman in the Liberator office. His thesis was that the blacks were not men, but belonged to the monkey tribe. His speech proved dull and tiresome, and was made sport of by his own set, whom Mr. Garrison had to call to order. There were now loud
George Ticknor (search for this): chapter 9
opular speakers. It gives, indeed, a picture of humanity during a turbulent crisis, a picture that is Athenian, Roman, Mediaeval, modern — a scene of democratic life, flung to us from the ages. I shall copy the account of this meeting almost verbatim from the large Life of Garrison. No comment can add to the power of it. We have to remember that Webster had made his famous Compromise speech just two months before this meeting; and that the phalanxes of all conservative people, from George Ticknor, in Boston, to the rowdies on the Bowery in New York, were being marshalled to repress Abolition as they had not been marshalled since 1835. It must be noted also that this attempt succeeded on the whole. In spite of the triumph which the Abolitionists scored at this particular meeting, it became impossible for them to hold meetings in great cities for some time afterwards. The complicity of the Churches with Slavery is now almost forgotten. Among the Abolitionists during the critic
Hudson River (United States) (search for this): chapter 9
York we may anticipate that there are those who will enter the arena of discussion, and send out the true opinion of the public. . . The meeting of May 7, at the Tabernacle, was a vast assembly which contained many respectable people, intermingled with whom was an organized element of impending mob. The leader of the mob was a wellknow ruffian called Isaiah Rynders, a native American, of mixed German and Irish lineage, now some forty-six years of age. He began life as a boatman on the Hudson River, and, passing easily into the sporting class, went to seek his fortunes as a professional gambler in the paradise of the Southwest. In this region he became familiar with all forms of violence, including the institution of slavery. After many personal hazards and vicissitudes, he returned to New York city, where he proved to be admirably qualified for local political leadership in connection with Tammany Hall. A sportinghouse which he opened became a Democratic rendezvous and the head
Boston (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
l disrespect for the Constitution, actual disruption and annihilation of the Union, and a cessation of all order, legal or divine, which does not square with his narrow views of what constitutes human liberty. Never, in the time of the French Revolution and blasphemous atheism, was there more malevolence and unblushing wickedness avowed than by this same Garrison. Indeed, he surpasses Robespierre and his associates, for he has no design of building up. His only object is to destroy. . . .In Boston, a few months ago, a convention was held, the object of which was the overthrow of Sunday worship. Thus it appears that nothing divine or secular is respected by these fanatics. . . When free discussion does not promote the public good, it has no more right to exist than a bad government that is dangerous and oppressive to the common weal. It should be overthrown. On the question of usefulness to the public of the packed, organized meetings of these Abolitionists, socialists, Sabbath-br
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 9
At this time Zachary Taylor, a slaveholder and a devout Episcopalian, was president of the United States. The situation was a difficult one for the Evangelical, anti-sectarian mind to deal withisees are extinct, and may safely be denounced. Jesus is the most respectable person in the United States. (Great sensation, and murmurs of disapprobation.) Jesus sits in the President's chair of the United States. (A thrill of horror here seemed to run through the assembly.) Zachary Taylor sits there, which is the same thing, for he believes in Jesus. He believes in war, and the Jesus that Captain Rynders (clenching his fist)--I will not allow you to assail the President of the United States. You shan't do it (shaking his fist at Mr. Garrison). Many voices — Turn him out, turn Captain Rynders--If a million of you were there, I would not allow the President of the United States to be insulted. As long as you confined yourself to your subject, I did not interfere; but
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