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Henry J. Raymond (search for this): chapter 9
e thousand dollars cash, and glad to get off so. Greeley has fared worse. Why, last week he had to let good lands in Pike County, Pennsylvania, on which he had paid five thousand dollars, go to the dogs because he couldn't raise five hundred dollars. So we go, and the worst not come yet. We are lucky who are not under the necessity of borrowing. The hope of putting up the price of daily papers in New York, although favored by the Herald, came to naught, because, under the influence of Raymond, the Times opposed it. In the end the reduction of expenses proved to be the salvation of the Tribune, which never missed an issue, but continued with renewed determination to be the organ of all who were in any way opposed to the extension or favored the destruction of slavery. On May 2d, in reply to the ominous warnings which reached it from many sides, it declared, this time in the unmistakable language of Greeley: We do not believe the Union in any present danger, yet we say most
Horatio Seymour (search for this): chapter 9
on, they can't make anything at present prices. To the Tribune it will make a difference from the start of twelve hundred dollars a week, or sixty-two thousand dollars a year. This will leave something for leeway. The Whigs have got to nominate Greeley for governor and fight the Know-nothings, who are going in on a bargain to elect Bronson governor and Fillmore senator. Weed and the other leaders admit that Greeley is the only man who will do at all for the battle. The Softs will run Seymour on the rum tack, and it will be an interesting contest.... Snow tells me he has sacrificed mining property for which he had paid twelve thousand dollars cash, and glad to get off so. Greeley has fared worse. Why, last week he had to let good lands in Pike County, Pennsylvania, on which he had paid five thousand dollars, go to the dogs because he couldn't raise five hundred dollars. So we go, and the worst not come yet. We are lucky who are not under the necessity of borrowing. The
Americans (search for this): chapter 9
ave States go in peace. But now comes an extract from an editorial bearing on the Know-nothing or Native-American movement, which was becoming active at that time. It is conceived in a broad and liberal spirit, and, from both internal and external evidence, may be designated as Dana's: We have no special regard for any country but this. Our ancestors were all here long before the Revolution, and were all among its most earnest supporters. When, however, it is gravely proposed as Americans, that those who have come hither from Europe to find a home blest with liberty and plenty shall be permanently excluded from political rights here, including the right to be chosen whenever a majority shall see fit to choose them, we resist the demand as eminently and profoundly un-American, as well as anti-Republican. If our political fabric is not a gigantic he from foundation to turret, this exclusion is monstrous and suicidal. The year 1855 began with a fierce attack on Pierre Sou
Charles Fourier (search for this): chapter 9
has certainly exhibited many noble instances of devotion to ideas the most lofty and purposes the most generous. In the public mind the movement has been connected with what is called Fourierism, but the truth is that while the inculcations of Fourier have had more or less influence on the opinions of those engaged in the various practical experiments, still we know of no individual among them who has adopted all of the doctrines, true or fantastic, high or low, which compose his theory, nor of any body of individuals who have attempted to put them, or any part of them, in practise to any considerable extent. As yet there has never been an experiment of Fourier's social system either in this country or elsewhere. The socialist movement was in a certain degree original with the parties in this country .... Most [of the associations] were organized on the principle of joint-stock and dividing profits, according to the time spent in labor, but some adopted the principle of communism
Bayard Taylor (search for this): chapter 9
od a one to show whether you had a conscience or not, or any regard for your word. ... . . I'm charmed with that picture of Mrs. P. paddling a bark canoe, which you draw in such idyllic colors. I suspect the poetic is your true vein after all, next to theology. But what I really hope you are doing is the discipline of that stubborn obstinacy and wilfulness of yours into something like Christian meekness and domestic submission. Remember it's your duty, and do it with some grace. Bayard Taylor is going to Japan as United States Commissioner — if he gets the appointment. Perry puts him up to trying for it, and tells him there is no doubt of his having it, as the Administration do not desire to make a political business of it, and he is the best man for the place who could possibly be found. Don't mention the scheme, as Bayard wouldn't like it known if he is disappointed. Good-bye, old fellow, and send me word a week before you write another article, so that I can prepare
rsonal occupations and feelings, as well as upon passing events, by certain letters written during the summer, and especially by one he wrote to James Pike, July 14th, as follows: You see my promptitude equals yours. You write, and I pay with equal exactness. But while domestic happiness causes us both to neglect these mere external passing duties, I don't know who has a right to complain. The truth is, I have been busy going to Westport to see my children-driving them about in old Bradley's one-horse wagon, rowing and sailing with them on the bay and Sound, gathering shells on the shore with them, picking cherries, lounging on the grass, gazing into the sky with the whole tribe about me! Who'd think of paying notes under such circumstances? There's no delight like that in a pack of young children --of your own. Love is selfish, friendship is exacting, but this other affection gives all and asks nothing. The man who hasn't half a dozen young children about him must have
Lewis Cass (search for this): chapter 9
ble despatch in reference to this country's interests and aims in regard to Cuba, and having shown the unfitness of Cuba as well as the rest of the West India Islands for incorporation, at that time, into the Union, it left that subject with the declaration that, We want no more ebony additions to the republic. It took but little interest in the current discussion of Manifest Destiny, or the gradual absorption of the entire continent and its outlying island, because it believed that Douglas, Cass, and the other Northern statesmen who favored this doctrine were mere allies of the Southerners, who were thought by many to be seeking new territory in order that they might extend the bounds of slavery. It took strong grounds against the filibusters for similar reasons, as well as for their lawless disregard of the peace and property of neighboring nations. It spoke with contempt of Walker's evanescent republic of Lower California, and upon every suitable occasion it returned with veheme
. . I'm charmed with that picture of Mrs. P. paddling a bark canoe, which you draw in such idyllic colors. I suspect the poetic is your true vein after all, next to theology. But what I really hope you are doing is the discipline of that stubborn obstinacy and wilfulness of yours into something like Christian meekness and domestic submission. Remember it's your duty, and do it with some grace. Bayard Taylor is going to Japan as United States Commissioner — if he gets the appointment. Perry puts him up to trying for it, and tells him there is no doubt of his having it, as the Administration do not desire to make a political business of it, and he is the best man for the place who could possibly be found. Don't mention the scheme, as Bayard wouldn't like it known if he is disappointed. Good-bye, old fellow, and send me word a week before you write another article, so that I can prepare for it. Pike, First Blows of the Civil War. In September he wrote for the Tribune:
April, 1855 AD (search for this): chapter 9
ning up the rivets of the Fugitive-Slave law and the Ostend Manifesto. Strangely enough, the Tribune now came out with a strong condemnation of the subsidy which Congress had at last voted to the Collins line of transatlantic steamers. It had formerly commended such a measure as a legitimate means of keeping the American flag afloat in that trade, but now classed it among other unjustifiable schemes, of which there were many, for robbing the national treasury of its surplus. Early in April, 1855, Greeley went to Europe, and remained absent till September. On his return he made arrangements to represent the paper in Washington, and thus Dana was left in actual charge during most of the year. He was therefore mainly responsible for its course on all public questions. His opinions are made known by its editorials. But a strong side-light is thrown upon his personal occupations and feelings, as well as upon passing events, by certain letters written during the summer, and especi
July 14th (search for this): chapter 9
ned absent till September. On his return he made arrangements to represent the paper in Washington, and thus Dana was left in actual charge during most of the year. He was therefore mainly responsible for its course on all public questions. His opinions are made known by its editorials. But a strong side-light is thrown upon his personal occupations and feelings, as well as upon passing events, by certain letters written during the summer, and especially by one he wrote to James Pike, July 14th, as follows: You see my promptitude equals yours. You write, and I pay with equal exactness. But while domestic happiness causes us both to neglect these mere external passing duties, I don't know who has a right to complain. The truth is, I have been busy going to Westport to see my children-driving them about in old Bradley's one-horse wagon, rowing and sailing with them on the bay and Sound, gathering shells on the shore with them, picking cherries, lounging on the grass, gazin
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