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William Henry Channing (search for this): chapter 17
f a National Compensation Emancipation Society, with Elihu Burritt for its corresponding secretary, Lib. 27: 143, 148; and see for Mr. Garrison's comments on the movement and on the Convention Lib. 27: 58, 163. Burritt was thirty years behind Dr. Channing, who, interested by Lundy's personal advocacy of gradualism in Boston in 1828, wrote on May 14 of that year to Daniel Webster: It seems to me that, before moving in this matter, we ought to say to them [our Southern brethren] distinctly, We c that slavery was a moral evil, and confining their pity to the free blacks. Senator Hayne of South Carolina, in a speech on the Panama question in the spring of 1826, became the mouthpiece of the Slave Power in a way that should have convinced Channing of the futility of his panacea. On the slave question, said the haughty Southerner, my opinion is this: I consider our rights in that species of property as not open even to discussion, either here [in Congress] or elsewhere; and, in respect to
Taney (search for this): chapter 17
he sale at this time of his Mississippi plantation (Lib. 28: 11). But the disunion spirit was still more developed by the Dred Scott Lib. 27.43, 45, 46, 118. decision, delivered by the U. S. Supreme Court on March 6, through the mouth of Chief-Justice Taney. Scott had been the slave of an army surgeon, who took Lib. 26.207; 27.45; 28.49. him to a military station in Illinois for two years, and thence to Fort Snelling in Nebraska (now Minnesota), where he was married to the slave woman of naffected by his sojourn in the former, but depended upon the law of the latter. As, by the law of Missouri, Dred Scott was Lib. 27.45. not a citizen, but still a slave, he could not sue in a United States court. Whatever the intention of Judge Taney and the majority of the court, their deliverance was taken to mean both that Kansas and all other future embryo States were freely open to slaveholding immigration, and that the slaveholder would be protected by the Federal judiciary in carryi
Henry Wilson (search for this): chapter 17
dens and let the oppressed go free; or, if you prefer to maintain that institution, perish with it! The one letter to the Convention which astonished and offended its recipients by its tone came from Sumner's colleague in the U. S. Senate, Henry Wilson. He had read the call with profound regret, believing that the Lib. 27.14. movement could have no other effect than to put a burden on the Republican Party, by arraying against it that intense, passionate, and vehement spirit of nationality Finally, I turn to the Republican Party, and say, And you, also, go for the Union? and they make the loudest noise, and throw up their caps the highest in its behalf. Now, either these parties mean by Union the same thing, or they do not. Henry Wilson, when he says, I am for perpetuating the Union, means by it what the South means, or he does not. All these parties mean the same thing, or they do not. If they do, then I stain them all with the blood of four millions of slaves, who lie crush
Joseph A. Howland (search for this): chapter 17
Lib. 27.57. solemnly reaffirmed their affection and fidelity to the Union. Rev. T. W. Higginson to W. L. Garrison. Worcester, August 27, 1857. Ms. Mr. Howland Joseph A. Howland of Worcester, a lecturing agent of the Massachusetts A. S. Society (Lib. 28: 35), and one of the signers of the call for the Disunion ConventJoseph A. Howland of Worcester, a lecturing agent of the Massachusetts A. S. Society (Lib. 28: 35), and one of the signers of the call for the Disunion Convention of Jan. 15 (Lib. 27: 2). and I agreed quite well about your note to Mr. May in respect to the superiority of Syracuse to Cleveland. Rev. S. May, Jr. I regret your change of opinion about it, but the following considerations entirely convince my mind of the inexpediency of a change. 1. It is too late, as Mr. Robinson has beerote me a more discouraging reply than I have ever had from Cleveland—thinking that the people would take no interest in such a convention. I understood that Mr. Howland and myself were authorized to decide as to place and time, and was only waiting to hear definitely from Robinson that he had engaged a hall. I at first favore
Hayne (search for this): chapter 17
rn view, no evil, but a positive good—a necessary social and political institution wherever human society existed, to use the words of the Richmond Examiner (Lib. 27.1; cf. 28: 7, 57). The agents of the new Society would no more have been tolerated at the South than the disunion abolitionists. Even those of the Colonization Society had from the first purchased immunity solely by abstaining from any implication that slavery was a moral evil, and confining their pity to the free blacks. Senator Hayne of South Carolina, in a speech on the Panama question in the spring of 1826, became the mouthpiece of the Slave Power in a way that should have convinced Channing of the futility of his panacea. On the slave question, said the haughty Southerner, my opinion is this: I consider our rights in that species of property as not open even to discussion, either here [in Congress] or elsewhere; and, in respect to our duties imposed by our situation, we are not to be taught them by fanatics, reli
Edmund Quincy (search for this): chapter 17
Ante, 1.279. Belknap-Street Church; the other, a State Disunion Convention to be held at Worcester, Mass., on January 15. Two only of the twelve founders of the anti-slavery organization were visible at the festival—Mr. Garrison, who (with Edmund Quincy's aid) presided, and Oliver Johnson among the speakers. Two, if not four, were numbered with the dead, as Joshua Coffin recorded in a Lib. 27.5. letter to the festival. Arnold Buffum regretfully offered Lib. 27.5. his old age and his infifive years ago by the organization of the New England Anti-Slavery Society—may it soon be closed with the record of the accomplishment of its object, the complete, peaceful, unconditional abolition of American slavery. To this toast, proposed by Quincy, Mr. Garrison responded in an historical retrospect, mingled with Lib. 27.6. tributes to his departed co-laborers, whether steadfast or alienated. Had the division in the anti-slavery ranks in 1840 not taken place, he thought emancipation might
Wendell Phillips (search for this): chapter 17
nvention of the free States. The circular call was issued in July. It was Lib. 27.118. signed by T. W. Higginson, Wendell Phillips, Daniel Mann, A Boston dentist residing in Worcester Co., Mass., possessed of much shrewdness of character, and ald a Convention of the Free States (as hitherto contemplated) at Cleveland, on the 28th and 29th inst.,—Mr. Higginson, Mr. Phillips, and myself, after grave and serious consideration, have assumed the responsibility of postponing our projected Northethe several States, and so we shall go for postponing the Northern Convention. I am the more reconciled to this because Phillips could not have gone to it, if it had been held this month. Theodore Parker, Phillips, Higginson, etc., will send lettPhillips, Higginson, etc., will send letters to the meeting at Cleveland, expressive of their views on the Disunion question, which will help to mitigate the disappointment that will be felt by our Ohio friends at their non-attendance. I shall also send a letter; and I hope you will do the
Charles Sumner (search for this): chapter 17
hments to strengthen the Slave Power so long as CH. XVII. 1857 its policy was to postpone secession), believing that the Union could be wielded for the benefit of liberty. In the event of Republican success, we will then say to the slaveholders of those [slave] States, Unbind the heavy burdens and let the oppressed go free; or, if you prefer to maintain that institution, perish with it! The one letter to the Convention which astonished and offended its recipients by its tone came from Sumner's colleague in the U. S. Senate, Henry Wilson. He had read the call with profound regret, believing that the Lib. 27.14. movement could have no other effect than to put a burden on the Republican Party, by arraying against it that intense, passionate, and vehement spirit of nationality which glows in the bosoms of the American people. He frankly avowed his want of sympathy with it, and refusal to be connected with it. The logic of the head and the logic of the heart, he declared, teach me
Amasa Walker (search for this): chapter 17
repub-lican preponderance which it gives to the slaveholding class. Lib. 27.20. He was of opinion that the notion of no union with slaveholders is founded on a mistaken theory of morals, compelling the good to withdraw altogether from the society of the bad. On the basis of honoring the former, and endeavoring as far as possible to reclaim the latter, he said: I am willing to continue to live indefinitely with slaveholders, even though some of them should trench a little upon my rights. Amasa Walker Lib. 27.14. saw clearly enough that slavery and freedom are absolute and irreconcilable antagonisms, that cannot by any human possibility co-exist, but his disunionism was confined to the non-extension of slavery. Joshua R. Giddings wrote that the South had notoriously for thirty years cherished the hope of forming a Confederacy: Editors and politicians now announce their determination to secede from the Union as soon as the Republicans shall obtain control of the Federal Government
Abel Stevens (search for this): chapter 17
teps were being actively taken to reopen the slave trade (ante, p. 411), Elihu Burritt started a preposterous movement for emancipation at less than half price, from sales of the public lands (Lib. 27: 58). According to the rule, that the more impracticable the scheme of abolition, the easier it was to secure the adhesion of the clergy at large, Mr. Burritt succeeded in putting forward the Rev. Eliphalet Nott, the Rev. Mark Hopkins, the Rev. George W. Bethune, the Rev. Leonard Bacon, the Rev. Abel Stevens, and other leading divines, together with (mirabile dictu!) Gerrit Smith, to call a convention at Cleveland on Aug. 25. See for the proceedings, which ended in the formation of a National Compensation Emancipation Society, with Elihu Burritt for its corresponding secretary, Lib. 27: 143, 148; and see for Mr. Garrison's comments on the movement and on the Convention Lib. 27: 58, 163. Burritt was thirty years behind Dr. Channing, who, interested by Lundy's personal advocacy of gradua
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