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Browsing named entities in Thomas Wentworth Higginson, John Greenleaf Whittier.

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pter 3: Whittier the politician As Whittier was a writer for the press before he attended a high school, so he was a politician before he was a reformer. The most surprising revelation made by Mr. Pickard's late biography of Whittier was of the manner in which he, like many promising young Americans, was early swept into political work of a really demoralising description from which only the antislavery movement withdrew him. So closely were the two phases allied, that at the very moment (1833) when he was writing and printing at his own expense an antislavery pamphlet on Justice and expediency, he was aiding to support a well-known public man, Caleb Cushing, for whom those two phases were apparently only dice to play with. Fortune offering for Whittier an advancement in a similar manner, he escaped the great peril by a hair's breadth. His biographer faces frankly this curious early phase in the poet's life, and volunteers the remark: His few years in practical politics had foste
time forward his career was determined. In 1830, about the time when Whittier took the editorship of the New England Review, Garrison had been imprisoned in Baltimore as an abolitionist; in January, 1831, the Liberator--had been established; in 1833 Whittier had printed an anti-slavery pamphlet. In doing this he had bid farewell to success in politics and had cast in his lot, not merely with slaves, but with those who were their defenders even to death. Of these none came nearer to him, or wever, he had become convinced that both Clay and the colonisation movement were in the wrong, although up to 1837, it seems, he wrote a private letter to Clay, urging him to come out against that whole enterprise. He received from Garrison, in 1833, an invitation to attend as a delegate the National Anti-slavery Convention, to be held in Philadelphia in December. In answer to this call, he wrote to Garrison from Haverhill, Nov. 11, 1831:-- Thy letter of the 5th has been received. I lo
s letter without confessing that I cannot be sufficiently thankful to the Divine Providence which, in a great measure through thy instrumentality, turned me so early away from what Roger Williams calls the world's great trinity, pleasure, profit, and honour, to take side with the poor and oppressed. I am not insensible to literary reputation; I love, perhaps too well, the praise and good will of my fellow-men; but I set a higher value on my name as appended to the Antislavery Declaration of 1833 than on the title-page of any book. Looking over a life marked by many errors and shortcomings, I rejoice that I have been able to maintain the pledge of that signature. The lesson thus conveyed is so fine that I linger further upon it, to give some extracts from Whittier's own review of the matter in his introduction to Oliver Johnson's William Lloyd Garrison and his Times. I do not know that any word of mine can give additional interest to this memorial of William Lloyd Garrison
in his hand, and was delighted to find a friend who had also read his sacred book. He opened his heart still further then, and said how he longed for his old, wild life in the Desert, for a sight of the palms, and the sands, but above all for its freedom. Fields's Whittier, p. 54. It would be interesting to find out what effect Whittier's physical condition had upon the production of a work quite unique among his prose writings, The Opium Eater, published in the New England Magazine in 1833, in his twenty-fourth year. He spoke of it to Fields and others as something which he had almost entirely forgotten. But it is preserved by him, nevertheless, in his works, Works, I. 278. and certainly is, as he says, unique in respect to style. It is undoubtedly one of many similar productions coming from various pens and taking De Quincey's Confessions of an Opium Eater as their model, though this is really better than the average of such attempts. The question of interest is to know h
March 4th, 1833 AD (search for this): chapter 3
ay and the American system, and that when Whittier met Clay in Washington, years after, and was asked why he did not support for office that very popular man, replied that it was because he could not support a slaveholder. Garrison's life,I. 190. The relation between Garrison and Whittier is to be further traced in this correspondence between Garrison and some young ladies in Haverhill who called themselves Inquirers after truth. W. L. Garrison to Inquirers after truth. Boston, March 4, 1833. You excite my curiosity and interest still more by informing me that my dearly beloved Whittier is a friend and townsman of yours. Can we not induce him to devote his brilliant genius more to the advancement of our cause and kindred enterprises, and less to the creation of romance and fancy, and the disturbing incidents of political strife? Boston, March 18, 1833. You think my influence will prevail with my dear Whittier more than yours. I think otherwise. If he has not alrea
March 18th, 1833 AD (search for this): chapter 3
ng ladies in Haverhill who called themselves Inquirers after truth. W. L. Garrison to Inquirers after truth. Boston, March 4, 1833. You excite my curiosity and interest still more by informing me that my dearly beloved Whittier is a friend and townsman of yours. Can we not induce him to devote his brilliant genius more to the advancement of our cause and kindred enterprises, and less to the creation of romance and fancy, and the disturbing incidents of political strife? Boston, March 18, 1833. You think my influence will prevail with my dear Whittier more than yours. I think otherwise. If he has not already blotted my name from the tablet of his memory, it is because his magnanimity is superior to neglect. We have had no correspondence whatever, for more than a year, with each other! Does this look like friendship between us? And yet I take the blame all to myself. He is not a debtor to me — I owe him many letters. My only excuse is an almost unconquerable aversion
November 10th, 1833 AD (search for this): chapter 3
determined to elicit our best panegyrics, and not ours only, but also those of the public. His genius and situation no more correspond with each other than heaven and earth. But let him not despair. Fortune will come, ere long, with both hands full. Garrison's Journal of the Times, Dec. 5, 1828; Life, I. 115. Whittier was by this time editing the American Manufacturer in Boston. When Garrison was in England at a great Antislavery Convention, that same year, Whittier wrote to him (Nov. 10, 1833): I have, my dear Garrison, just finished reading thy speech at the Exeter Hall meeting. It is full of high and manly truth-terrible in its rebuke, but full of justice. The opening, as a specimen of beautiful composition, I have rarely seen excelled. Garrison's life, I. 369, note. It is to be noticed that both these young editors were the hearty supporters of what was called Henry Clay and the American system, and that when Whittier met Clay in Washington, years after, and was
own; they are the points on which he wished to dwell. They would seem to imply a selfishness of nature which nothing else in his life indicates; and the only fact in his later life, with which they seem to bear the slightest connexion, is that which might otherwise have passed unobserved, namely, that he never seems to have identified himself — among the various reforms which enlisted him-with the Civil Service Reform. Nothing, however, came of this. Cushing succeeded in being elected in 1834, and Whittier showed political skill on its best side in making Cushing the medium through which antislavery measures could be presented to Congress, when no other conspicuous member except John Quincy Adams would venture on this. Cushing was practically elected through Whittier three times in succession; but the latter gradually lost all faith in him, and when Cushing at last tried to suppress his own antislavery record, that he might get an office when the Whigs came into power in 1841, Wh
tier had printed an anti-slavery pamphlet. In doing this he had bid farewell to success in politics and had cast in his lot, not merely with slaves, but with those who were their defenders even to death. Of these none came nearer to him, or brought home to him, at the very beginning, the possible outcome of his own career, than Dr. Reuben Crandall of Washington, who was arrested for the crime of merely lending Whittier's pamphlet to a brother physician, for which offence he was arrested in 1834, and was confined in the old city prison until his health was destroyed, and he was liberated only to die. The fact is mentioned in Astraea at the Capital, where Whittier says:-- Beside me gloomed the prison cell Where wasted one in slow decline, For uttering simple words of mine, And loving freedom all too well. Whittier had been at first friendly, like Garrison, to the Colonisation Society, and had believed heartily in the future services to freedom of the then popular and always at
u can't cooperate with a suit of old clothes. Garrison's life, III. 35. How far Garrison did justice to the real strength of Whittier's nature will perhaps always remain somewhat doubtful, in view of the fact that eight years before this, in 1834, he had briefly characterised him as highly poetical, exuberant, and beautiful. Garrison's Life, I. 461. It is possible he may have been rather surprised, in later years, to find his young proselyte developing a will of his own. There was cerwas a bold letter to be written by a shy Quaker youth of twenty-six to a man more than twice his years, for Channing was then almost fifty-four. A yet unknown man, Whittier was offering counsel to the most popular clergyman in Boston. Written in 1834, the letter long preceded Channing's Faneuil Hall speech of 1837, which first clearly committed him to the antislavery movement; and it still farther preceded his work on slavery in 1841, which identified him with the enterprise and made him, in
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