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Browsing named entities in Adam Badeau, Grant in peace: from Appomattox to Mount McGregor, a personal memoir.

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e in the East Room, and sent for the General-in-Chief to join him there. Again Grant thought that without positive rudeness he could not refuse. So he stood by Johnson's side during the entire demonstration, greatly to his own disgust and chagrin, and returned to his headquarters afterward full of indignation at the device by which he had been entrapped, and beginning to detest the policy of the President, if for nothing else, because of his petty manoeuvring. These wiles continued. In August, the President determined to make a tour to Chicago by way of New York and Buffalo and other cities, and invited Grant to accompany him. A subordinate can hardly decline such an invitation from the Chief of the State, but Grant, who perceived the object, offered repeated excuses. Mr. Johnson, however, continued to urge the matter, and finally put the request as a personal solicitation. Grant felt that it would be indecorous any longer to object, and accordingly accompanied the President.
Chapter 4: Grant and Andrew Johnson—their original concord and the growth of a different feeling. for a while after the death of Lincoln the relations between the new President and Grant were of the most cordial character. The only point of difference was in regard to the treatment of the South. At first the victorious General was far more inclined to leniency than Johnson. But by degrees the President's feeling became mitigated, and by the winter of 1865 he was already more disposed to be the political partisan of the Southerners than the ally of those who had elected him. He had conceived the idea that without the aid of Congress he could reconstruct the Union; and doubtless believed that by making extraordinary advances and offering extraordinary immunities to the South, he could build up a national party at both the North and the South of which he would necessarily be the head. The great popularity of Grant at this period made it important to win him over to the support
med the journey and reported in accordance with the expectations of the President, but very much to the disgust of ardent and bitter Republicans, who were destined afterward to claim him as their representative and chief. When Congress met in December the policy of the President had been fully developed, and up to that time had not been opposed by Grant. Johnson, without any authority of law, had appointed Governors in the seceded States and allowed their Legislatures to assemble; he had even exacted changes in their constitutions—all without the sanction or advice of Congress. He had refused to call Congress together, and as that body was without the power to summon itself before the ordinary time, this left him from April to December at liberty to prosecute his plans. Grant thought it would have been wiser had the President convoked Congress and taken its advice; but he held himself to be merely a military officer, and was unwilling to intrude into civil affairs. He had not b
next President, and he was avowedly anxious to secure him for the Democrats. I invariably told my chief whatever I learned that could affect or interest him, no matter what the source, and I conveyed these messages to Grant. He sent no reply, nor did he indicate either satisfaction or displeasure at the suggestion. At that time he had no strong political bias, and, I believe, no political ambition. Both were slow of development, though both came at last. When Mr. Johnson proposed in November that Grant should make a tour of the South and report the condition and feeling of the people, the General-in-Chief was entirely willing. He performed the journey and reported in accordance with the expectations of the President, but very much to the disgust of ardent and bitter Republicans, who were destined afterward to claim him as their representative and chief. When Congress met in December the policy of the President had been fully developed, and up to that time had not been oppos
U. S. Grant (search for this): chapter 4
essarily be the head. The great popularity of Grant at this period made it important to win him ovt the source, and I conveyed these messages to Grant. He sent no reply, nor did he indicate either to lose what had been won at so much cost. Grant tried for a while to hold the balance between ent. General U. S. Grant—Present. Will General Grant be kind enough to call as he passes on hisnded evening parties. He stood by the side of Grant and received the guests, and the circumstance eir arrival Johnson sent the following note to Grant: Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C., the General-in-Chief to join him there. Again Grant thought that without positive rudeness he coulYork and Buffalo and other cities, and invited Grant to accompany him. A subordinate can hardly dec the plans and proceedings of Andrew Johnson. Grant indeed had at this time a peculiar aversion tobly sought, and something of this he secured. Grant was conscious of the unfair success, and this [20 more...]
Abraham Lincoln (search for this): chapter 4
Chapter 4: Grant and Andrew Johnson—their original concord and the growth of a different feeling. for a while after the death of Lincoln the relations between the new President and Grant were of the most cordial character. The only point of difference was in regard to the treatment of the South. At first the victorious General was far more inclined to leniency than Johnson. But by degrees the President's feeling became mitigated, and by the winter of 1865 he was already more disposed to be the political partisan of the Southerners than the ally of those who had elected him. He had conceived the idea that without the aid of Congress he could reconstruct the Union; and doubtless believed that by making extraordinary advances and offering extraordinary immunities to the South, he could build up a national party at both the North and the South of which he would necessarily be the head. The great popularity of Grant at this period made it important to win him over to the suppor
Richard Taylor (search for this): chapter 4
port of the enterprise. Grant was unused to the arts of placemen and politicians, and indeed unversed in any manoeuvres except those of the field. He still retained his magnanimous sentiment toward the conquered, and was at first in no way averse to what he supposed were the President's views. He protested against the harsh measures advised by many Northerners, and was far more in accord with Johnson than with Stanton. The Democrats claimed him; the Republicans distrusted him. General Richard Taylor came to me about this time and proposed that Grant should become the candidate of the Democratic party in the next Presidential election, promising the support of the South in a mass if it was allowed to vote. James Brooks, then the leader of the Democrats in the House of Representatives, made similar overtures, also through me. Brooks was my intimate personal friend; he always predicted that Grant would be the next President, and he was avowedly anxious to secure him for the Democr
Edwin M. Stanton (search for this): chapter 4
pularity of Grant at this period made it important to win him over to the support of the enterprise. Grant was unused to the arts of placemen and politicians, and indeed unversed in any manoeuvres except those of the field. He still retained his magnanimous sentiment toward the conquered, and was at first in no way averse to what he supposed were the President's views. He protested against the harsh measures advised by many Northerners, and was far more in accord with Johnson than with Stanton. The Democrats claimed him; the Republicans distrusted him. General Richard Taylor came to me about this time and proposed that Grant should become the candidate of the Democratic party in the next Presidential election, promising the support of the South in a mass if it was allowed to vote. James Brooks, then the leader of the Democrats in the House of Representatives, made similar overtures, also through me. Brooks was my intimate personal friend; he always predicted that Grant would b
en a President neither visited nor attended evening parties. He stood by the side of Grant and received the guests, and the circumstance was heralded all over the country as an indication of the cordial political understanding between them. In 1866 a convention was held at Philadelphia of those who supported Mr. Johnson's views. It was attended by many Southerners and by Northerners who had opposed the war, as well as by some who had fought for the Union but who now advocated measures less ow; it stipulated for the sacredness of the National debt and the forfeiture of that of the Confederacy. These provisions were embodied in an amendment to the Constitution to be submitted to all the States, both North and South. In the autumn of 1866, in spite of the violent opposition of the Administration, the amendment was ratified by every Northern State. The President's plan was thus rejected by those who had been successful in the field. At this epoch Grant became a politician. He thr
Andrew Johnson (search for this): chapter 4
eneral was far more inclined to leniency than Johnson. But by degrees the President's feeling beca Northerners, and was far more in accord with Johnson than with Stanton. The Democrats claimed hi to that time had not been opposed by Grant. Johnson, without any authority of law, had appointed led. To this Congress would not agree; but Mr. Johnson insisted that the States which had revolteeserved. They show the intimate footing that Johnson desired to maintain. From the Presidensident. Late on the morning of their arrival Johnson sent the following note to Grant: Execrudeness he could not refuse. So he stood by Johnson's side during the entire demonstration, greatived the object, offered repeated excuses. Mr. Johnson, however, continued to urge the matter, andnto a political pilgrimage. At every point Mr. Johnson made speeches and received demonstrations ing dislike to the plans and proceedings of Andrew Johnson. Grant indeed had at this time a peculiar[9 more...]
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