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Browsing named entities in The Daily Dispatch: December 25, 1861., [Electronic resource].

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ted between Messrs. Clay and Calhoun, was adopted by the Federal Congress and the Legislature of South Carolina. "One historical fact, from its peculiar hearing at this moment, ought not to be lost sight of. On two separate occasions since the foundation of the Union, before the moment just mentioned, the right of secession was asserted, and, in both instances, by those very Northern States that are now the most ferocious adversaries of the South. In the first years of the republic, in 1794, during the administration of Washington, an excise duty, laid by Congress upon distilled liquors, occasioned an insurrection in the Western part of Pennsylvania. Delegates from different counties met at Pittsburg, and from that point offered to Congress the alternative of abolishing the tax, or seeing those they represented secede and unite themselves to Canada. In 1814, at the most critical period of the war with England, seven States, constituting what is called New England, met in Conve
June 1st, 1815 AD (search for this): article 1
Pennsylvania. Delegates from different counties met at Pittsburg, and from that point offered to Congress the alternative of abolishing the tax, or seeing those they represented secede and unite themselves to Canada. In 1814, at the most critical period of the war with England, seven States, constituting what is called New England, met in Convention at Hartford, in Connecticut, and on the 14th of December, declared that they would leave the Union if peace were not declared before the first of June, 1815. This was an act of pure desertion, unspeakably more criminal than that with which the secessionists of the South are charged. Patriotism only can make a nation. Egodem can make a people. The Americans are only a people. On the three occasions above enumerated, the right of secession was maintained, and the Union imperilled, by laws foreign to slavery. It is, consequently, impossible not to suspect the existence of other motives of incompatibility, caprice, and interest, especiall
June, 11 AD (search for this): article 1
A French View. --The New Orleans Bee has obtained a copy of the Paris Constitutionel, of the 6th of November, containing an article upon the war in America, written by M. Gaillardet, formerly editor and proprietor of the Courier des Etats Unis, (New York,) and well known to the American public as one of the most brilliant writers that journal ever had. Although M. G. lived sometime in New Orleans, he has never had the courage, since his return to Paris, to face the so-called liberal opinions of Europe upon the subject of African slavery. At the commencement of the present crisis in American affairs, he wrote for the Prease, several articles favorable to the North, and remarkable for their strong abolition tendency. Even now, though somewhat enlightened by events, he thinks it necessary to pander to the susceptibility of his readers by saying that, to be consistent, Lincoln should have proclaimed the emancipation of the slaves contemporaneously with the annunciation of war! Tha
M. Gaillardet (search for this): article 1
A French View. --The New Orleans Bee has obtained a copy of the Paris Constitutionel, of the 6th of November, containing an article upon the war in America, written by M. Gaillardet, formerly editor and proprietor of the Courier des Etats Unis, (New York,) and well known to the American public as one of the most brilliant writers that journal ever had. Although M. G. lived sometime in New Orleans, he has never had the courage, since his return to Paris, to face the so-called liberal opinif civilization ought to be sacrificed to an abstract principle, and the well-being of twenty-four millions be rendered certainly impossible, in order that the good of four millions, confessedly of an inferior caste, may possibly be promoted. M. Gaillardet is a man of talents; but the Bee is right when it avers that "Eutopia never reasons." Apart from the concessions which he makes to popular prejudices in Europe, M. G. treats the American question sensibly enough, when he considers it in
Canada (Canada) (search for this): article 1
ces, by those very Northern States that are now the most ferocious adversaries of the South. In the first years of the republic, in 1794, during the administration of Washington, an excise duty, laid by Congress upon distilled liquors, occasioned an insurrection in the Western part of Pennsylvania. Delegates from different counties met at Pittsburg, and from that point offered to Congress the alternative of abolishing the tax, or seeing those they represented secede and unite themselves to Canada. In 1814, at the most critical period of the war with England, seven States, constituting what is called New England, met in Convention at Hartford, in Connecticut, and on the 14th of December, declared that they would leave the Union if peace were not declared before the first of June, 1815. This was an act of pure desertion, unspeakably more criminal than that with which the secessionists of the South are charged. Patriotism only can make a nation. Egodem can make a people. The American
Hungary (Hungary) (search for this): article 1
less upon general principles than from particular circumstances and individual sentiment. Thus, Greece and Belgium separated from Turkey and Holland, with the applause of the liberal portion of Europe which would likewise hail the separation of Hungary from Austria — The Washington Government itself was heretofore always prompt to recognize, and often to encourage, insurrections made in the name of popular sovereignty. Thus it was the first to recognize the independence of the South American be only a quarrel between the elder and the younger brother. God bless them both; let them continue their union if it be for their mutual good, or separate if they think it better, Mr. Lincoln himself, in 1848, said in the Senate, speaking of Hungary, 'A people has always and everywhere the right to change its Government, and to establish another which suits them better. This is our conviction and our experience. It is that inappreciable right which will emancipate the world.' At this mome
Louisiana (Louisiana, United States) (search for this): article 1
ntradicted by the impartial testimony of facts, in the voluntary sacrifices which have been made by all classes of the inhabitants alike, rich and poor, that there are in operation in that war, other moving causes besides the slavery question. * * * * * * * * * "Union and force are a contradiction in terms. The idea of an amalgamation so monstrous, was repelled by the founders of the Republic. Jefferson, the apostle of democracy, writes to John Breckinridge, after the acquisition of Louisiana, if the new nations which are to be formed on the banks of the Mississippi, find it to their interest to detach themselves from the main trunk, what have the Atlantic States to fear? It would be only a quarrel between the elder and the younger brother. God bless them both; let them continue their union if it be for their mutual good, or separate if they think it better, Mr. Lincoln himself, in 1848, said in the Senate, speaking of Hungary, 'A people has always and everywhere the right t
Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) (search for this): article 1
hearing at this moment, ought not to be lost sight of. On two separate occasions since the foundation of the Union, before the moment just mentioned, the right of secession was asserted, and, in both instances, by those very Northern States that are now the most ferocious adversaries of the South. In the first years of the republic, in 1794, during the administration of Washington, an excise duty, laid by Congress upon distilled liquors, occasioned an insurrection in the Western part of Pennsylvania. Delegates from different counties met at Pittsburg, and from that point offered to Congress the alternative of abolishing the tax, or seeing those they represented secede and unite themselves to Canada. In 1814, at the most critical period of the war with England, seven States, constituting what is called New England, met in Convention at Hartford, in Connecticut, and on the 14th of December, declared that they would leave the Union if peace were not declared before the first of June,
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): article 1
of an edifice which France contributed so much to found, and we deplored the inertness of Mr. Buchanan when the flag of secession had yet been hoisted only by South Carolina. It might then have been easily brought down, and had it been so the movement might have been justly regarded, even by the other Southern States, as the factnt Lincoln's obstinacy, not less culpable than Buchanan's inaction, caused eleven Southern States out of fifteen to rally, one after the other, to the side of South Carolina, to proclaim their independence, and to organize a regular Government. It was no longer a mere insurrection; it was a solemn act, the result of mature delibeong, they believe themselves imposed upon, and the Federal compact has become, in their view, nothing better than a beonine partnership. As long ago as 1832, South Carolina, the same State that gave the signal for separation in the present war, wished to break the contract, on account of the heavy duties imposed upon foreign merc
United States (United States) (search for this): article 1
ections made in the name of popular sovereignty. Thus it was the first to recognize the independence of the South American Republic, and that of Texas, which latter it is at this moment fighting because she designs to use with respect to the United States that very right which she formerly exercised with regard to Mexico. And yet the individual sovereignty of the States were never so clearly defined in the Mexican Republic as they are in the American Union. The first were formed as it were o, in spite of the formal stipulations of the Constitution, and in certain laws of Congress which forbid the planters of the South to settle with their slaves upon certain portions of the public domain, belonging equally to all citizens of the United States. These are, it is true, causes of complaint which are calculated to injure, rather than serve the cause of the South in Europe, where the question is considered in its moral, not in its constitutional aspect. But to decide between two parti
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