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C. S. Woodhull (search for this): chapter 10
mob, the Nat. A. S. Standard, 10.203. Aldermen even passed resolves condemning the irreligious and blasphemous meetings of the abolitionists, and requesting Mayor Woodhull to break them up; but these were C. S. Woodhull. subsequently recalled. It was from the Mayor that the Chief of Police received his instructions to pay no C. S. Woodhull. subsequently recalled. It was from the Mayor that the Chief of Police received his instructions to pay no Lib. 20:[79]. attention to anything short of actual assault and battery. Hence his captains and their hundreds looked on Nat. A. S. Standard, 10.202. passively at the scenes in the hall of the Society Library in the evening of May 7, when some two dozen rioters drowned with jocose and abusive interlocutions, with Lib. 20:[78]. New York, the police looked on with indifference, Marshal Francis Tukey Lib. 20.192. playing the part of Chief-of-Police Matsell, and Mayor Bigelow that of Mayor Woodhull—the one giving and the other obeying instructions not to interfere except to protect the persons of the promoters of the meeting; and the Aldermen, on the Mar
caster, and a portion of Dauphin, and, through the whole distance, saw but a single spot that reminded us of our rocky New England. Arriving at 3 o'clock, we found at the depot, Aug. 7. awaiting our coming, Dr. Rutherford, an old subscriber to the W. W. Rutherford. Liberator, and his sister-in-law, Agnes Crane, both of them true and faithful to the anti-slavery cause in the midst of a perverse and prejudiced people; and also several of our colored friends, Lib. 17.122. with one of whom (Mr. Wolf, an intelligent and worthy man) Douglass went home, having previously engaged to do so; while I went with Dr. Rutherford, and received a cordial welcome from his estimable lady. The Court House had been obtained for us for Saturday and Aug. 7, 8. Sunday evenings. Hitherto, nearly all the anti-slavery lecturers have failed to gather any considerable number together; but, on this occasion, we had the room filled, some of the most respectable citizens being present. At an early period of
Henry A. Wise (search for this): chapter 2
rocal advantages in the Union; the revenues of one section were drained to sustain the views and course of another section, without any adequate return. Moreover, Mr. Adams moved the reference of the petition to a committee with instructions to report adversely. What followed, therefore, would have been in the highest degree extraordinary but for the Southern consciousness that a Northern proposal of disunion was deadly to slavery. Wise of Virginia, with a Border State precipitancy, Henry A. Wise. hotly declared that the person who presented such a petition ought to be censured, and his colleague Gilmer lost Thos. W. Gilmer. no time in making a motion to that effect. This was superseded on the following day by resolutions concocted Lib. 12.18, 21, 25. in caucus, and presented in the House by Marshall of Thos. F. Marshall. Kentucky–again a Border State taking the lead. The preamble is a landmark in the history of Southern opinion of the sacredness of the Union: Whereas, T
Henry A. Wise (search for this): chapter 14
the ancillary intrigue to acquire Samana Bay in San Domingo—a menace also to the independence and liberty of Hayti— Lib. 24: 157, 159; 25: 1, 61. Lieut. Herndon's exploration of the Amazon in 1851, by direction of the Navy Department, had distinct reference to a pro-slavery colonization with an ultimate view to annexation (Lib. 24: 62). On the other hand, see the numerous expressions of the Southern press looking to a restoration of the slave trade (Lib. 24: 149, 173), and in particular Henry A. Wise's letter to the Rev. Nehemiah Adams, D. D. (Lib. 24: 150). I would, said the Virginian, recommend the repeal of every act to suppress the slave trade. In November, 1856, the Governor of South Carolina sent a message to the Legislature advising the re-opening of that traffic (Lib. 26: 193, 194). The unparalleled rise in the price of slaves lay at the bottom of this villany. At the date just mentioned, according to the Richmond Enquirer, male negroes were worth seven hundred dollars arou
Henry A. Wise (search for this): chapter 16
t, gave fair warning. Brooks Lib. 26: [142], 169, 185. recommended that the South rise, march on Washington, and seize the archives and the Treasury: We should anticipate them [the free States], and force them to attack us. Lib. 26: [145]. Henry A. Wise wrote with utmost accuracy to John W. Forney: Whether the present state of peaceful revolution, of warlike brotherhood, of confederated antagonisms, of shake-hand enmity, of sectional union, of united enemies, shall continue, depends preciselhat it is right to shoot anybody, and our perplexity would be to know where to begin— whom first to despatch, as opportunity might offer. We should have to make clean work of the President and his Cabinet— Douglas, Atchison, Stringfellow, Toombs, Wise, and their associates—Doctors Lord, Adams, Spring, Fuller, and others of the same cloth—Judges Loring, Kane, Grier, and Slave Commissioners generally—the conductors of such papers as the New York Journal of Commerce, Observer, Express, Herald,
Henry A. Wise (search for this): chapter 20
as President Lib. 30.137, 141, 146, 149, 163, 171, 177, 179, 185, 199. Buchanan said, in his annual message to Congress, a sense of security no longer exists around the family altar. All these things were symptomatic, not of disunion, but of Union. A genuine sign of revolution was the centripetal movement of Southerners, as in the case of the two hundred Lib. 29.206, 207, 211; 30.1, 3. medical students in Philadelphia who renounced Northern instruction and seceded to their homes. Governor Wise received them at Richmond as precursors of the break-up. Lib. 30.1. The North bade them good-bye with a smile at their silliness, and turned an incredulous ear to the Southern echoes of Harper's Ferry in both Houses of Congress. Had not Fremont's possible election in 1856 been made the ground Ante, p. 435. of threats of secession? Why, then, pay heed to similar talk now in view of Seward's probable nomination and election by the Republican Party? Henry Wilson, in a speech in the Sen
Robert C. Winthrop (search for this): chapter 3
e part in the capture Lib. 13.34. of fugitive slaves, and sheriffs, jailors, and constables to detain them. The Governor of Vermont recommended a Lib. 13.170. similar measure. Maine rejected it, as being tantamount Lib. 13.65. to disunion; but imitated Massachusetts in appointing an agent to protect the State's colored seamen in Southern Lib. 13.45, 50, 74, 183. ports. A memorial of Boston shipowners to Congress on this subject elicited a report from the Committee on Commerce (Robert C. Winthrop of Massachusetts, chairman), affirming the unconstitutionality of the Southern laws by which colored seamen were arrested and kept in jail while their vessels lay in port, and sold as slaves if charges were not paid. But the House refused leave to print it (Lib. 13: 24, 26, 30; 15: 7). In his admirable report recommending a Personal Liberty Act, Charles Francis Adams said: It is the slave representation which . . . is effecting, by slow but sure degrees, the overthrow of all the n
Robert C. Winthrop (search for this): chapter 5
Lib. 15.54. any colored seaman—the toleration of which by Congress was a virtual approval of the action of South Carolina towards Mr. Hoar. Yet still Mr. Seward contended— We must resist unceasingly the admission of slave States, and demand the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia Lib. 15.113.; and he even dreamed, when one independent Congress had been elected, that the internal slave-trade may be subjected to inquiry. Amendments to the Constitution will be initiated. Robert C. Winthrop made his surrender on the Fourth of July, and in Faneuil Hall, toasting, in famous words, Our country . . . however bounded; . . . to be cherished in all our hearts, to be defended by all our hands Lib. 15.118.—an abasement which accepted war with Mexico, along with that spread of slave territory which he had hitherto strenuously opposed. In the same hall of heroic memories the Whig State Convention in October withdrew from the opposition, and left Lib. 15.162. the Constitutional que<
Robert C. Winthrop (search for this): chapter 6
ime against Mexico, marked, so far, by Taylor's military successes at Lib. 16.82, 167. Matamoras and Monterey. The demoralization which war immediately produces as a mere status, was lamentably shown by the compliance of the Whig governors Briggs Geo. N. Briggs, Wm. Slade. and Slade (of Massachusetts and Vermont respectively) with the President's request for a State call for volunteers. Lib. 16.87, 90, 91, 113. This action did not prevent the party from renominating Briggs, nor did Robert C. Winthrop's acceptance of the Ante, p. 139. war afford a sufficient handle to the Conscience Whigs (as Ms. Sept. 30, 1846, F. Jackson to W. L. G. Charles Francis Adams denominated those who were not Cotton Whigs) to deprive him of a renomination. The Cotton Whigs swept the State. One heard Daniel Webster proclaim in Faneuil Hall: I am for the Constitution as our fathers left it to us, and standing by it and dying by it. Lib. 16.182. But also one heard John Quincy Adams, from his home in Qui
Robert C. Winthrop (search for this): chapter 8
avis. support the operations of a Sabbath League. At home, a New England pro-slavery Sabbatarian press recoiled from the spectacle of the Rev. John G. Palfrey, a Massachusetts Representative in Congress, addressing to the Hon. Lib. 18.14. Robert C. Winthrop, candidate for the Speakership of the House, a catechism as to his probable use of the office with reference to slavery and the Mexican War—on Sunday! But no pain was caused by Mr. Winthrop's replying, on the same day, in a way to forfeit Mr. Winthrop's replying, on the same day, in a way to forfeit his antislavery colleague's support. The Anti-Sabbath Convention adjourned, on motion of Lib. 18.51. Henry C. Wright, to meet at the call of the publishing committee in the following year. Meanwhile, this reformer, making free use of the columns of the Liberator, ventilated his disquieting views of the divine authority of the Bible in connection with war and slavery, in rough, axiomatic fashion, as under the caption, The Bible a self-evident falsehood, if opposed to self-evident truth, Lib.
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