hide Sorting

You can sort these results in two ways:

By entity
Chronological order for dates, alphabetical order for places and people.
By position (current method)
As the entities appear in the document.

You are currently sorting in ascending order. Sort in descending order.

hide Most Frequent Entities

The entities that appear most frequently in this document are shown below.

Entity Max. Freq Min. Freq
Lib 1,910 0 Browse Search
W. L. Garrison 682 0 Browse Search
William Lloyd Garrison 593 3 Browse Search
George Thompson 259 1 Browse Search
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) 186 0 Browse Search
United States (United States) 152 0 Browse Search
Jesus Christ 131 1 Browse Search
Isaac Knapp 128 0 Browse Search
Henry C. Wright 126 4 Browse Search
Edmund Quincy 124 0 Browse Search
View all entities in this document...

Browsing named entities in a specific section of Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 2. Search the whole document.

Found 993 total hits in 279 results.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 ...
St. Clair, Mich. (Michigan, United States) (search for this): chapter 4
to stand erect on our slave-cursed soil? Yesterday afternoon, a number of our abolition friends May 11, 1838. arrived from New York—among them Alvan Stewart, St. Clair, Mr. Fuller and wife, dear Mary, etc. On board the Alanson St. Clair; John E. Fuller; Mary Benson. steamboat from Bordentown to Philadelphia, our friends obtainain that there is no difference in sentiment between us. Since you left us, we have had several private meetings (attended by our friends Quincy, Alcott, Wright, St. Clair, A. B. Alcott, Oliver Johnson, R. F. Wallcut. Johnson, Wallcut, myself, &c.), in order to make the language of these two instruments (the Declaration and Consty to you. Mr. Alcott says he is now prepared to sign the Declaration; so does Mr. Wallcut; so does Mr. Quincy. The two latter will also join our Society. Bro. St. Clair is not yet quite clear in his mind, but will doubtless soon be heartily with us. The Declaration closes in the following strain. . . . This instrument contemp
Mexico (Mexico) (search for this): chapter 4
ich laid Pennsylvania Hall in ashes. In both cases the right of free speech was aimed at and temporarily suppressed. But there were other resemblances, amounting almost to identity. The attack in Philadelphia, as in Boston, involved the anti-slavery office; This was the southernmost room on the Sixth-Street front, and was the object of special attention from the mob, who used its literature to feed the flames. Lundy's effects—his papers, books, clothes, everything of value except his Mexican journal—were there stored, and became a total sacrifice on the altar of Universal Emancipation ( History of Pennsylvania Hall, p. 170; Life of Lundy, p. 303; Lib. 8: 95). Whittier and the Pennsylvania Freeman were also among the sufferers (Underwood's Whittier, p. 144). it was directed against a meeting of women; the mayor was neither eager nor able to put it down. We see again the figures of Garrison and of Burleigh; of Mary Parker, Maria Chapman, Anne Warren Weston, and others of the Bos
Rhode Island (Rhode Island, United States) (search for this): chapter 4
pposition of the clerical members, chiefly Orthodox, Lib. 8.107. who made various pretexts to cover up their main objection, namely, to the sex of one of the committee. Clerical arrogance or ruffianism, as Mr. Garrison termed it, induced the Rhode Island Congregational Consociation to reject the memorial unanimously, as coming from an unscripturally woman-ruled convention; and the editor of the Christian Mirror to insinuate that it was disreputable for a woman to be closeted with two men in coraw in that case, and, the question being put, all but two voted for withdrawal. In the forenoon of Tuesday, September 18, Mr. May Lib. 8.154. called to order a convention whose rolls showed an attendance of 124 from Massachusetts, 23 from Rhode Island, about a dozen from the other New England States, and three from Pennsylvania. They showed more,—that a large proportion consisted of incendiary and cut-throat abolitionists; while the proceedings proved that these were the most fanatical up
South Scituate (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 4
heir present course, the first thing I shall do will be to serve our Peace Societies as I have done the Colonization Societies. On May 30, 1838, at a meeting of friends of peace Lib. 8.111. in Boston, William Ladd being in the chair, a committee was appointed to call a convention in that city for the purpose of having a free and full discussion of the principles of Peace, and of the measures best adapted to promote this holy cause. The committee, consisting of the Rev. S. J. May, of South Scituate, Henry C. Wright, of Newburyport, the Rev. George Trask, of Warren, and Edmund Quincy and Amasa Walker, of Boston, fixed on September 18 as the date, and the Marlboroa Chapel as the place, of holding the proposed convention, to which all were invited without regard to sect or party, and without being committed to any programme. Each of the five committeemen was a Garrisonian abolitionist, but they were not equally agreed in their views of peace. You and brother Wright have startled me
Newburyport (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 4
of Peace, and of the measures best adapted to promote this holy cause. The committee, consisting of the Rev. S. J. May, of South Scituate, Henry C. Wright, of Newburyport, the Rev. George Trask, of Warren, and Edmund Quincy and Amasa Walker, of Boston, fixed on September 18 as the date, and the Marlboroa Chapel as the place, of ry such outbreak but encourages the common enemy, and breeds mutual distrust and jealousy. . . . Bro. H. C. Wright was with us last week, but has returned to Newburyport to rest a short time in the bosom of his family. He has prepared a tract on human governments which, when published, will doubtless stir up the feelings of comnal organizations, as now constructed, are essentially anti-Christian, and utterly at war with the gospel of Christ. . . . Edmund Quincy to H. C. Wright, at Newburyport. Boston, December 31, 1838. I received your missive, full of combustible matter, enough Ms. to set the whole U. S. mail on fire, in due course. I was we
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 4
d, but assumed a fresh and for the moment an overshadowing importance. Petitioning to Congress went on, in forms new and old, against the standing iniquity of Federal slaveholding, against impending extensions of the area of slavery, The bare enumeration of anti-slavery and anti-Texas memorials, largely from women, presented in the House of Representatives in one day, filled more than two broad columns of the National Intelligencer in small type (Lib. 8.19. See also 8.75). Rhett, of South Carolina, was so alarmed by the progress of abolitionism under defeat that he saw no alternative between a constitutional amendment prohibiting the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and a dissolution of the Union (Lib. 8.21). against the denial of the right of petition itself. By the same means the Northern State legislatures were again incited to present resolves of a like tenor—to renew them when they had been unheeded—to protest against the affront when they were even unread a
Utica (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 4
the disappointed of other parties. East and West were harmonious in this view. The Philanthropist, in Cincinnati, opposed with forcible arguments Lib. 8.74. the desire of some Ohio abolitionists to run a special candidate for Governor. At Utica, N. Y., Goodell, in his Lib. 8.137, 141, 145, 149, 153. Friend of Man, ably and with much particularity set forth the political creed of abolitionists, which he summed up in one profession: We will vote for no man who votes against liberty. His artduced them in the Liberator, and their doctrine was embodied in the twenty-one resolutions on political action presently adopted, after a whole day's discussion, Lib. 8.155, 158. at the great meeting of the New York State Anti-Slavery Society at Utica in September. These were from Goodell's own pen (Lib. 8.158; Goodell's Slavery and Anti-Slavery, p. 469). In New York city, the Emancipator published approvingly the forms of political anti-slavery pledges beginning to be circulated there, an
Russia (Russia) (search for this): chapter 4
ent to commit rapine and destroy life, may not be resisted by the people or magistracy, then ought no resistance to be offered to domestic troublers of the public peace or of private security. No obligation can rest upon Americans to regard foreigners as more sacred in their persons than themselves, or to give them a monopoly of wrong-doing with impunity. The dogma, that all the governments of the world are approvingly ordained of God, and that the powers that be in the United States, in Russia, in Turkey, are in accordance with his will, is not less absurd than impious. It makes the impartial Author of human freedom and equality, unequal and tyrannical. It cannot be affirmed that the powers that be, in any nation, are actuated by the spirit or guided by the example of Christ, in the treatment of enemies; therefore, they cannot be agreeable to the will of God; and therefore, their overthrow, by a spiritual regeneration of their subjects, is inevitable. We register our testimon
Paris, Ky. (Kentucky, United States) (search for this): chapter 4
itical debate; and, to my astonishment, was adopted by those present by a vote of more than five to one. 26 to 5 (Lib. 8.154). It was ordered to be engrossed upon parchment, and the signatures of those who approved it are to be appended to it. It will make a tremendous stir, not only in this country, but, in time, throughout the world. The three days of the Peace Convention, said the editor under his own signature in the Liberator (8.155), will be more memorable than the Three Days in Paris. Mankind shall hail the 20TH of September with more exultation and gratitude than Americans now do the 4TH of July. This may now be regarded as solemn bombast; but it is prophetical, and shall not fail to be fulfilled. All who voted for it were abolitionists. Edmund Quincy, Wendell Lib. 8.155. Phillips, William Ladd, A. St. Clair, and S. J. May declined voting either way, though almost ready to swallow it entire. Mr. Phillips had, vainly, opposed a resolution declaring the nonresistan
Calhoun, Ky. (Kentucky, United States) (search for this): chapter 4
petitions for the abolition of slavery in the District and of the inter-State slave trade were part and parcel of a scheme to abolish slavery in the States; (3) that Congress could not do indirectly what it could not do directly; (4) that the anti-slavery agitation was unconstitutional, infringing the rights of the States—a breach of the public faith at the base of the Confederacy; (5) that Congress could not discriminate between the institutions of equal States, to abolish or promote. Calhoun's resolutions (ante, p. 197), on the contrary, were at this very time urging the duty of the Government (as the common agent of the States to carry out delegated powers) to give increased stability and security to their domestic institutions. His colleague, Preston, rightly objected that this made the Government an intermeddler in favor of slavery, instead of a neutral (Lib. 8: 7). Hence, it was the will of the House that every petition, memorial, resolution, Wilson's Rise and Fall of Sl
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 ...