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Haverhill (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
Wendell Phillips, Edmund Quincy and myself, More particularly, of what preceded, Mr. Garrison wrote to G. W. Benson on Jan. 5, 1839: I made a proposition at our Board meeting to raise a committee, to report upon the expediency of publishing a monthly periodical, as the organ of the Society, for the use of auxiliaries, etc. Phelps was not present, but he was nominated by one of his friends [Joseph H. Eayrs], and Edmund Quincy and myself. It happened that he did not return in season from Haverhill to consult with us, and we accordingly made our report to the Board on Friday [Dec. 28, 1838]—to wit, that such a monthly ought to be printed, officially, to be called the Abolitionist, and to be edited by a committee of three, to be elected by ballot. This report was strenuously opposed by Mr. P.'s friend (Ayres), on the ground that a weekly paper was called for, and would doubtless be established—that it would be better to defer the whole matter to the annual meeting—that the probabilit<
Rhode Island (Rhode Island, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
eriod. The latter was speaking not only as an abolitionist, but as an agent. Worcester, Middlesex, and Essex Counties, everywhere strengthening the friends and discomfiting the enemies of the Liberator and the Board; and closed his labors in Rhode Island, on the eve of embarking for New York, whither the scene of conflict next shifted. On May 1, Samuel J. May wrote (with unabated affection) from South Scituate as follows: I was very sorry to leave Boston, week before last, not Ms. havi the history of human rights. It is worth more to the cause of humanity than was received into the treasury of the Parent Society during the past year. Moreover, it placed that Society in accord with the State organizations of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Pennsylvania, and with the New England Convention. Tappan and Torrey gave notice of a protest, which was presently received, bearing 116 signatures, and ordered to be printed with the proceedings. It pronounced the Society's action in r
Newburyport (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
where. However widely we may differ in time to come, nothing can ever occur to lessen our admiration of the zeal, the talent, the self-sacrificing spirit, the generous daring, he has exhibited in the anti-slavery cause from a very early period. It was not till after the New England Convention—the scene of the next engagement in this battle year—that Mr. Garrison found time to prepare an answer to Birney's abortive dictation to quit the ranks. On May 20 he wrote to Henry C. Wright at Newburyport: Ms. Lewis Tappan has written a very bad letter in reply to a letter of our committee inviting him to attend the New England Convention. He is in a sad state of mind. Your letter respecting Birney is received. I mean to reply to him next week. The Liberator of June 28 Lib. 9.101, 102. contained the attack and the repulse, both reproduced from the Emancipator. Mr. Garrison began by rebuking the editor for having admitted Birney's essay without comment, which he called a prostitutio
Quincy (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
he denomination known as Restorationists (the same to which A. St. Clair had belonged); two years later, one of the founders of the Hopedale Community (Non-Resistant, 1:[53]; Noyes's American Socialisms, p. 120; Lib. 11.33). Effingham Capron was in the chair. Of the proceedings Lib. 9.159, 164, 176; Non-Resistant, 1:[73], [80], [81]. there is little need to say much here, further than that Mr. Garrison read the annual report—his own. The most notable immediate effect of the convention was Quincy's renunciation of oaths and allegiance to all manmade government, signalized the morning afterwards by Sept. 28, 1839. his returning his commission as justice of the peace to Lib. 9.163. Governor Everett. The most notable resolution adopted was one declaring that the abolition of slavery is Lib. 9:[176]. involved in the doctrines of Non-Resistance, as the unit is included within the aggregate: for if a slaveholder [should] become non-resistant he could never again strike a slave, never
New Castle, Ky. (Kentucky, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
can we lose? Have we not now thoroughly tried everything short of this? Precedents are not to be quoted against us. Anti-Masonry had not such a quarry. Its object slunk away from it. The enterprise was never half baked. Yet it died, not by nominating separate candidates so much as by amalgamating with existing parties. After all, it died for want of tangible work, more than anything else. Our cause is entirely different. But you have thought of this more than I, so no more coals to Newcastle. I throw in my mite. One thing I know. Unless you do take such a step, our New organization here is A gone case. It has been, inter nos, Shockingly mismanaged. Everything has been made to turn upon the woman question. The political has been left to fall out of sight. In our State politics, the Temperance question is so fairly on the ground that we have not room to stand. It won't do for us to start the national politics. But if the Parent Society does so, and not by our move—the
Lewis Tappan (search for this): chapter 5
n was on hand, and with him were Birney and Lewis Tappan, representing the New York Executive Commitulk of the abolitionists of Massachusetts. Lewis Tappan openly advised a division of Lib. 9.51; Ri attained a clearer light in the meantime. Lewis Tappan explained his own and his Lib. 9.58. collught that five to one were on his side, but Lewis Tappan called for the yeas and nays, which carriedylvania, and with the New England Convention. Tappan and Torrey gave notice of a protest, which was Mr. Garrison's views were fully shared by Lewis Tappan, and forcibly expressed in a letter to the G. Birney on this question, Mr. Lib. 9.203. Tappan contended not only that such a party had not bming convention, was in accord with that of Lewis Tappan and the Massachusetts Board. Our object, pr to Joshua Leavitt (Lib. 10.17), reviewing Lewis Tappan's and Gamaliel Bailey's objections, and Mr.raordinary interest, and Joshua Leavitt and Lewis Tappan were conspicuous in befriending the captive[3 more...]
Thomas Earle (search for this): chapter 5
better) composed by way of epitaph. Mr. Garrison expressed his desire to carry out a promise made to Lundy in Baltimore, to write his biography in case he survived; Lundy had made a similar engagement, of a mutual kind, with his friend Thomas Hoge, of Nashville, whose death was announced to him in April, 1835, when nearing Natchez ( Life, p. 178). and this promise he would no doubt have kept as a peculiar duty, if Lundy's relatives had been favorably disposed. As it was, they chose Thomas Earle, whose very inadequate and inaccurate performance—the only Life of Lundy yet written—was published in Philadelphia in 1847. The suggestion of the Emancipator, that any materials for the purpose should be sent to Mr. Garrison (Lib. 9.206), was speedily superseded by Joseph Lundy, the father's, call for aid of this kind (Lib. 10.23), and his curious letter of Jan. 16, 1840, to Mr. Garrison, intimating the family distrust of the latter as an impartial biographer (Lib. 10.46). Whatever else
Thankful Southwick (search for this): chapter 5
Greater interest, however, attached to the first annual meeting held at the same place on September 25-27, at which pains were taken to secure a very large attendance, The circular letter of invitation was signed by Edmund Quincy, Thankful Southwick, and Joshua V. Himes. and which more than fulfilled the warmest expectations of the friends of the Lib. 9.159. cause. Not New England alone, but other States sent representatives. From Pennsylvania, Lucretia Mott, from Ohio, Amos Dresser, e of Lundy, p. 277). was conspicuous. From New Hampshire came Stephen S. Foster. The business committee consisted of S. J. May, E. Quincy, H. C. Wright, Lib. 9.164. W. L. Garrison, Lucretia Mott, Maria W. Chapman, Lydia Maria Child, Thankful Southwick, and Adin Ballou. A Universalist clergyman, leader at Mendon, Mass., of that wing of the denomination known as Restorationists (the same to which A. St. Clair had belonged); two years later, one of the founders of the Hopedale Community (Non
Samuel Fessenden (search for this): chapter 5
law, and involved no injury to the service, but the contrary, and that he will give such additional orders as to close the case in the manner desired. But if otherwise, please to let me know, and I will press him further on the subject. The scheme for the financial control of the Liberator had on the whole worked well. At the close of May, immediately after the New England anniversary, a second meeting of the friends of the paper was held in Lib. 9.91. ChardonStreet Chapel, with Samuel Fessenden in the chair. Its qualities were once more rehearsed in flattering but truthful terms, the charges against it refuted, and subscriptions made for its support. Henry C. Wright spoke to its alleged infidelity: If to quote the Bible almost every other sentence—if to fashion a man's style of writing after the Bible—if to refer to the Bible perpetually, constitutes infidelity, then is Wm. Lloyd Garrison an infidel, and the Liberator an infidel paper. He [the speaker] had often challenged
Frederick Douglass (search for this): chapter 5
before May 1. In the meantime, as a specially appointed agent of the Society, Lib. 9.71. Mr. Garrison entered upon an active lecturing tour in Plymouth, Bristol, At New Bedford, on the evening of April 15 (Lib. 9: 66), Mr. Garrison had Frederick Douglass, a six-months' freeman, among his auditors. The future great negro orator thus describes his impressions in his Life and Times (ed. 1882, p. 214): Soon after becoming a reader of the Liberator, it was my privilege to listen to a lecture iou are the man—the Moses raised up by God to deliver his modern Israel from bondage, was the spontaneous feeling of my heart as I sat away back in the hall and listened to his mighty words— mighty in truth, mighty in their simple earnestness. Mr. Douglass's account is certainly tinged by his general recollection of Mr. Garrison's views at this period. The latter was speaking not only as an abolitionist, but as an agent. Worcester, Middlesex, and Essex Counties, everywhere strengthening the fri
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