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Liverpool (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 11
. New York Herald, Jan. 14, 1878. Badeau's Grant in Peace, p. 202. That confidence continued. Davis's statement that on receiving, June 23, Motley's report of his first interview with Lord Clarendon, the President's first impulse on reading the despatch was to recall him on account of departure from his instructions, is disproved by the President's letter to Badeau, July 14, three weeks after the report was received, in which he writes: Grant in Peace, p. 468. Motley, on arriving at Liverpool, made brief replies to deputations from two chambers of commerce, in which he confined himself to platitudes about the duty of peace between two kindred nations. These were altogether harmless, and seemed well adapted to calm the disturbed English mind. It would have been thought churlish in him to have said less. But the President, reading the report by cable, was not, it has been stated, at first pleased that he had made the replies, thinking, doubtless, that after Reverdy Johnson's t
Havana (Cuba) (search for this): chapter 11
ll concerning emigrant passengers (Congressional Globe, Feb. 20, 1855, p. 825), he received Sumner's sympathies, which he gratefully acknowledged in a letter from Havana, March 11, 1855, saying: Thanks, my good friend, for your kind letter. Like a drop of water in a dry desert is a kind word in a moment of pain. There was no friee U. S. Circuit Court for the Southern District of New York against Badeau, charging him with converting to his own use funds received by him as consul-general at Havana. His sureties were General Grant and Horace Porter, who were discharged in May. 1892, from liability by the payment of a certain sum which was agreed upon as a c Petersburg). Mr. Fish was pleased with the speech, particularly with its treatment of the Cuban question. He wrote, October 9, to the senator: Plumb writes from Havana that your speech seemed so timely and admirable, and in accord with what he had heard of views of the department, that he brought it officially to the attention o
Canada (Canada) (search for this): chapter 11
Fish said to him that our claims were too large to be settled pecuniarily, and sounded him about Canada, to which he replied that England did not wish to keep Canada, but could not part with it withouCanada, but could not part with it without the consent of the population. Fish desired to know of me how to state the amount of claims to England, to which I replied that I should make no claim or demand for the present, nor was I disposedulted, as nothing can be done without the consent of that body. He had talked with John Rose of Canada, who had sounded him about sending out the Duke of Argyll. The duke must not come unless to be vernment and revolted sections or bodies. The most interesting passage of the speech related to Canada,—the cession of which had been suggested as a compensation for our claims. New York Herald, Fat Britain, in order to save the point of pride on her part. While regarding the future union of Canada with the United States as an appointed destiny, it must come, such was his thought, by a peacefu
West Point (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
wn choice, and not of the influence and urgency of another. Sumner wrote Motley, June 8:— Yesterday I saw the President alone for more than an hour. He has reconsidered the propriety of allowing Mr. Curtin to snake a pronunciamento against England next Saturday, and I think him right. It would hardly be decent. He volunteered to say very kind things of you, especially that he is satisfied that you are the best man for England now. Again, June 11:— The President left for West Point day before yesterday. I was with him for an hour before he left, during which we discussed belligerency, and England and Cuba. He asked how it would do to issue a proclamation with regard to Cuba identical with that issued by Spain with regard to us. I advised against it. He is very confident that the Cubans will succeed. On the same day I had a call from two Cubans,—one of whom was Aldama, the richest man of the island and an old friend of mine,—who had come to solicit the concession
Dominican Republic (Dominican Republic) (search for this): chapter 11
Massachusetts,—a circumstance which led to Judge Hoar's retirement a few months later. The San Domingo controversy appears to have had some connection with this change. See Gen. J. D. Cox's noticay be necessary to go? Very faithfully yours, Hamilton Fish. From that time until the San Domingo controversy the relations of the senator and the secretary were confidential to a remarkable department. The relations of the President and of the senator were, up to the time of the San Domingo controversy, altogether agreeable. An associate of the senator on the committee on foreign rp to the recognition of Cuban independence; and his subsequent urgency for the acquisition of San Domingo gives reason to suppose that the acquisition of Cuba was in his mind as an ultimate result. en well for his reputation and to the advantage of the Administration if in the later case of San Domingo he had proved as sturdy in the maintenance of his convictions. Sumner wrote to Cushing, Ju
Montpellier (France) (search for this): chapter 11
expressed their thanks for his attentions to their daughters, then school girls in Paris, whom he called upon when his wounds from the application of the moxa compelled abstinence from society. Some weeks later, on their visit to that city, when he was still under Dr. Brown-Sequard's treatment, they made a call of sympathy upon him; and meeting again in Paris the same year, he was their guest at their family Thanksgiving dinner. Letters were passing between them and him while he was at Montpellier and in Italy; and one of his warmest welcomes on his return home, with health restored, was from them. These incidents have been noted here, to be recalled when it will be pertinent to remark what is due to a friendship, even after it is broken. Mr. Fish's appointment was most agreeable to Sumner; none could have been more so either on personal or public grounds. His equipment for his post was indeed meagre; he had little knowledge of public law; he was not a ready or even a correct
England (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 11
nate in maintaining pacific relations with Great Britain, and preventing measures likely to producedler's bills and resolutions aimed against Great Britain. The New York Tribune, April 21, 1869, ded in his treaty as one of the grounds of Great Britain's liability. Reverdy Johnson to Seward,ithets on the proclamation, declaring that Great Britain alone had founded on that recognition a synjury, . . .a virtual act of war, by which Great Britain became, and to the end continued to be, thensively and unnecessarily adopted towards Great Britain, her statesmen, and her institutions. Earfor reparation and indemnification against Great Britain on the expulsion of our commercial marine gerency was included during a war in which Great Britain became the military, naval, and financial as an expression of our grievances against Great Britain for her unfriendly course towards us. Cus one or two hundred millions of dollars to Great Britain, in order to save the point of pride on he[8 more...]
New Jersey (New Jersey, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
ssachusetts. Sumner's uppermost thought at this time, so far as domestic affairs were concerned, was to establish absolute political and civil equality through the land. As the sentiment or prejudice of race stood in the way, he prepared an elaborate discourse on Caste, Works, vol. XIII. pp. 131-183. which he delivered as a lecture before lyceums during the autumn,—first in Boston, October 21, and afterwards in other places in Massachusetts, as also in Maine, Vermont, Rhode Island, New Jersey, New York, Delaware, and Pennsylvania, and finally in the cities of Brooklyn and New York. Its preparation seemed like a full six months work. It abounded in historical and ethnological learning; it pleaded for the essential unity of the race, and most of all for the full recognition of the African as man and citizen. He sought not only the political enfranchisement of the colored people, but the opening to them of all the opportunities of civilization. It was an effort quite characte
New York (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
country when founded, as they believed, on morals and equity, beyond the impartial judgment of arbitrators,—beyond what in the end they themselves accepted as a reasonable adjustment. If a severer standard is to be applied, a list of distinguished publicists must come under condemnation. An insurrection in Cuba was in progress when the President entered on his term, and Spain was engaged in the effort to suppress it. It had a considerable support in this country, particularly in the city of New York. Rawlins, Secretary of War, became an active partisan of the insurgents, and made every effort to embroil the country in intervention in their behalf. His complicity with them brought him under suspicion of being affected by other than public motives. Badean states that men high in position and public estimation accepted these bonds [of the Cuban insurgents], and afterwards advocated the recognition of Cuban independence. Grant in Peace, p. 234. His close relations with the Presi
Delaware (Delaware, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
r's uppermost thought at this time, so far as domestic affairs were concerned, was to establish absolute political and civil equality through the land. As the sentiment or prejudice of race stood in the way, he prepared an elaborate discourse on Caste, Works, vol. XIII. pp. 131-183. which he delivered as a lecture before lyceums during the autumn,—first in Boston, October 21, and afterwards in other places in Massachusetts, as also in Maine, Vermont, Rhode Island, New Jersey, New York, Delaware, and Pennsylvania, and finally in the cities of Brooklyn and New York. Its preparation seemed like a full six months work. It abounded in historical and ethnological learning; it pleaded for the essential unity of the race, and most of all for the full recognition of the African as man and citizen. He sought not only the political enfranchisement of the colored people, but the opening to them of all the opportunities of civilization. It was an effort quite characteristic of its author,
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