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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 1. Search the whole document.

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Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
raw on me for the amount. You will send the 90 to whomsoever you think best. A part of them will be [well] placed in the hands of presidents and professors of colleges and seminaries, and in the reading-rooms of those institutions. On the other hand, Gerrit Smith's change was sudden, and not till 1835. (See, in Frothingham's Life, pp. 162-170, and Lib. 6.23, 26.) The list, too, would bear extension. For example, the Thoughts determined the life-work of the Rev. James Miller McKim, of Pennsylvania, and secured in him one of the most efficient and judicious advocates of the anti-slavery cause. (See p. 656 of Still's Underground railroad, and pp. 32, 33 of Proceedings of the American Anti-Slavery Society, Third Decade.) Its effect on George Thompson, of England, will be related hereafter. At the time of the appearance of the Thoughts, Mr. Wright was Professor of Mathematics and Natural Philosophy in the Western Reserve College at Hudson, O.. and so a colleague of President Storrs
Salem (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
d a meeting called by the Rev. Cyril Pearl, in aid of the Colonization Society, and so embarassed the agent by his questions and Lib. 2.167. impressed the audience by his appeal in opposition, that the vote was emphatically in the negative. The refutation was effectual, for a second attempt the next year in the same place by Pearl, during Mr. Garrison's absence in England, proved an even worse failure. The latter's tour at this time also embraced the towns of Newburyport, Lowell, and Salem (Lib. 2.167, 183, and Ms. letters of Arnold Buffum, Oct. 23, 24, 1832). In the Liberator announcing the editor's departure Lib. 2.87. for Philadelphia appeared the first advertisement of an octavo pamphlet of 240 pages, of which the full title read: Thoughts on African Colonization: or an impartial exhibition of the doctrines, principles and purposes of the American Colonization Society. Together with the resolutions, addresses and remonstrances of the free people of color. By Wm. L
Frothingham (search for this): chapter 9
sively read, but it will take a long time to get into circulation through the book-stores. If you will circulate 90 copies and send me 10, I will pay for the 100, and you may draw on me for the amount. You will send the 90 to whomsoever you think best. A part of them will be [well] placed in the hands of presidents and professors of colleges and seminaries, and in the reading-rooms of those institutions. On the other hand, Gerrit Smith's change was sudden, and not till 1835. (See, in Frothingham's Life, pp. 162-170, and Lib. 6.23, 26.) The list, too, would bear extension. For example, the Thoughts determined the life-work of the Rev. James Miller McKim, of Pennsylvania, and secured in him one of the most efficient and judicious advocates of the anti-slavery cause. (See p. 656 of Still's Underground railroad, and pp. 32, 33 of Proceedings of the American Anti-Slavery Society, Third Decade.) Its effect on George Thompson, of England, will be related hereafter. At the time of the
Brewer (search for this): chapter 9
examining their schools, and endeavoring to establish others, &c., &c. Should I go on such a mission, (and I earnestly desire to prosecute it,) I shall aim first at the great cities, and thus have the pleasure of seeing my Philadelphia friends in the course of a few months. I can leave the Liberator in excellent hands. To Henry Egbert Benson, July 21, 1832: Start, if you can, an auxiliary Anti-Slavery Society in Ms. Providence. And why may you not? There are at least friends Brewer, Chace, your brother and yourself, all seeing, thinking, acting alike. You need no more to begin with. Four men may revolutionize the world. Besides, the mere fact that such a society has been formed will help us here in Boston hugely. To Samuel J. May, December 4, 1832: Our cause goes on prosperously. Indeed, when I consider Ms. the brevity of the period in which we have been engaged, and the nature and number of the obstacles which towered in our path, I am surprised to obs
Charles Stuart (search for this): chapter 9
sed. The impression and the favorable comment were not confined to this country. Extracts from the Thoughts were freely made in the most respectable periodical publications of England (Lib. 3.99). A formal review of it appeared in the British Eclectic Review, the organ of the Nonconformists, for Feb., 1833, p. 138. The work was eagerly greeted by the English philanthropists who had already begun to unmask and to thwart the Colonization agent, Elliott Cresson. It furnished the basis of Charles Stuart's Prejudice Vincible (Liverpool: printed by Egerton Smith & Co., 1832), reprinted with other matter in a pamphlet published by Garrison & Knapp in 1833, called British Opinions of the American Colonization Society. The preface to this pamphlet states that some 2750 copies of the Thoughts had been disposed of in nine months. For a British reply, see Dr. Thomas Hodgkin's An Inquiry into the Merits of the American Colonization Society, etc. (London: J. & A. Arch, 1833). Viewed in this ligh
Foot (search for this): chapter 9
se of God, I am firmly persuaded, to humble the pride of the American people by rendering your expulsion impracticable, and the necessity for your admission to equal rights imperative. Be your rallying cry— Union and our Country! By Union he, of course, meant harmonious action among the colored people themselves; not that Union, and less and less every day that Constitution, for which Webster went as they were I go for the Constitution as it is, and for the Union as it is (Second speech on Foot's Resolution, Jan. 26, 1830).—slave representation and all—saying: It is the original bargain, the compact; let it stand. At the close of the year his sentiments in regard to the unholy alliance between freedom and slavery were unmistakably expressed in these terms: There is much declamation about the sacredness of the Lib. 2.207. compact which was formed between the free and slave States, on the adoption of the Constitution. A sacred compact, forsooth! We pronounce it the most bl<
Correspondence (search for this): chapter 9
o the Union, and the scenes of St. Domingo would be witnessed throughout her borders. She may affect to laugh at this prophecy; but she knows that her security lies in Northern bayonets. What madness in the South to look for greater safety in disunion! It would be worse than jumping out of the frying-pan into the fire. It would be jumping into the fire from a fear of the frying-pan [i.e., Northern meddling with slavery] (Ex-President Madison to Henry Clay, June, 1833, in Colton's Private Correspondence of Clay, p. 365). Nay, she has repeatedly taunted the free States with being pledged to protect her. . . . How, then, do we make the inquiry, with affected astonishment, What have we to do with the guilt of slavery? This inquiry rested much less heavily with Mr. Garrison's townsmen, especially the respectable and then ruling portion, than this other: How shall we justify ourselves to our Southern brethren for tolerating the Liberator? Accordingly, at the opening of the March ter
Charles Osborn (search for this): chapter 9
Mss. Sept. 13, 1830, July 11, 1831, to E. Dole. Mr. Garrison found lacking in Evan Lewis's Editor of a Quaker anti-slavery journal called the Advocate of Truth. prize tract on The Duties of Ministers and Churches of all Denominations to avoid the Stain of Slavery, etc., but which so abounded in the Rev. George Bourne's The book and slavery Irreconcilable (1815), to which, next after the Bible itself, Mr. Garrison confessed his indebtedness for his views of the institution. Like Rankin, Osborn, and other early emancipationists, Bourne had seen slavery face to face (in Virginia). For tributes to his zeal and courage from Garrison and Lundy, see Lib. 2.35, 43, 133; 3.182. Perhaps no sight was more gratifying to him than that of a minister of the gospel appealing to the Book against African bondage. For this he could overlook theological differences as great as those which separated him from his Unitarian friend Mr. May, and which are measured by Lib. 2.67. his eulogy of a Disse
Goold Brown (search for this): chapter 9
s somewhat pedantic and lofty—acquired, no doubt, in the school-room, as he was a teacher. This was none other than Goold Brown, the grammarian. The subjects of slavery and colonization being introduced, he instantly avowed himself hostile to immGarrison! I don't believe his statements! —and he was again commencing a tirade against me when he was checked by Friend Brown (who could no longer suppress his pleasant humor) in the following quaint and pithy manner: Thee does not know to whom thiew had not been altogether unprofitable, and that henceforth the madman Garrigus, or Garrison, or some such name, Goold Brown's blundring was not so far out of the way. In the south of France (Tarn-et-Garonne) Garrigues and Garrison (or Garrisstection of American industry is the life-blood of the nation. In Providence he renewed his visit to Moses Lib. 2.162. Brown, enjoyed the companionship of Henry Benson, and made several addresses to the colored people, whom he helped form a tempe
Henry Egbert Benson (search for this): chapter 9
thought I might do a great deal to promote education among colored children and youth, by addressing the people of color, giving them advice and encouragement, examining their schools, and endeavoring to establish others, &c., &c. Should I go on such a mission, (and I earnestly desire to prosecute it,) I shall aim first at the great cities, and thus have the pleasure of seeing my Philadelphia friends in the course of a few months. I can leave the Liberator in excellent hands. To Henry Egbert Benson, July 21, 1832: Start, if you can, an auxiliary Anti-Slavery Society in Ms. Providence. And why may you not? There are at least friends Brewer, Chace, your brother and yourself, all seeing, thinking, acting alike. You need no more to begin with. Four men may revolutionize the world. Besides, the mere fact that such a society has been formed will help us here in Boston hugely. To Samuel J. May, December 4, 1832: Our cause goes on prosperously. Indeed, when I con
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