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pt a remedy; and while this Commonwealth has given up all effort to vindicate the rights of its citizens as hopeless and impracticable, under the present Union —it is manifestly the duty of the Commonwealth, as a Sovereign State, to devise some other measure for the redress and prevention of so grievous a wrong, which your petitioners are profoundly convinced can be reached only by a secession from the present Union. Ante, p. 131. On the sixth of May, Mr. Garrison set out for New Monday. York to attend the anniversary of the American Anti-Slavery Society. The air was full of coming violence, of which a truly Satanic Scotchman, James Gordon Bennett, editor of the New York Herald, was the prime invoker. He began on April 30 by charging the religious and Lib. 20.73. philanthropic societies, indiscriminately, that held regular annual meetings in New York, and which were all of one side of thinking in regard to slavery, with having brought the country to the brink of a dissolution o
Henry C. Wright (search for this): chapter 10
ssible for the rioters to use any physical force against us. 50th Anniversary of a Pastorate, p. 30. The scene recalled the descent of the Gauls upon the Roman Senate. The barbarism of Rynders was confronted with the loftiest morality, the greatest personal dignity, of the time. He found himself in the midst of Francis and Edmund Jackson, of Wendell Phillips, of Edmund Quincy, of Charles F. Hovey, of William H. Furness, of Samuel May, Jr., of Sydney Howard Gay, of Isaac T. Hopper, of Henry C. Wright, of Abby Kelley Foster, of Frederick Douglass, of Mr. Garrison—against whom his menaces were specially directed. Never was a human being more out of his element. Isaiah Rynders, a native American, of mixed German N. Y. Times, Jan. 14, 1884. and Irish lineage, was now some forty-six years of age. He began life as a boatman on the Hudson River, and, passing easily into the sporting class, went to seek his fortunes as a professional gambler in the paradise of the Southwest. In this r
Elizur Wright (search for this): chapter 10
was hell let loose, and no mistake. Boston Herald; Lib. 20.186. Cheers for the Constitution and for Daniel Webster were mingled with cheers for every conceivable subject that came uppermost in frantic brains. Mr. Garrison succeeded in reading an address recapitulating Mr. Thompson's philanthropic engagements and political honors since his former visit, but not a speaker was allowed to be heard— not more Wendell Phillips than George Thompson himself; not Edmund Quincy nor Douglass; not Elizur Wright nor Theodore Parker. As in New York, the police looked on with indifference, Marshal Francis Tukey Lib. 20.192. playing the part of Chief-of-Police Matsell, and Mayor Bigelow that of Mayor Woodhull—the one giving and the other obeying instructions not to interfere except to protect the persons of the promoters of the meeting; and the Aldermen, on the Marshal's being subsequently Lib. 20.191, 202. arraigned, found his excuse satisfactory. The meeting was finally turned out of doors
C. S. Woodhull (search for this): chapter 10
mob, the Nat. A. S. Standard, 10.203. Aldermen even passed resolves condemning the irreligious and blasphemous meetings of the abolitionists, and requesting Mayor Woodhull to break them up; but these were C. S. Woodhull. subsequently recalled. It was from the Mayor that the Chief of Police received his instructions to pay no C. S. Woodhull. subsequently recalled. It was from the Mayor that the Chief of Police received his instructions to pay no Lib. 20:[79]. attention to anything short of actual assault and battery. Hence his captains and their hundreds looked on Nat. A. S. Standard, 10.202. passively at the scenes in the hall of the Society Library in the evening of May 7, when some two dozen rioters drowned with jocose and abusive interlocutions, with Lib. 20:[78]. New York, the police looked on with indifference, Marshal Francis Tukey Lib. 20.192. playing the part of Chief-of-Police Matsell, and Mayor Bigelow that of Mayor Woodhull—the one giving and the other obeying instructions not to interfere except to protect the persons of the promoters of the meeting; and the Aldermen, on the Mar
Robert C. Winthrop (search for this): chapter 10
. admitted a free State without conditions—dismayed the Southern extremists, and caused the anti-slavery North to regard his death as a calamity. It is incredible, however, that Taylor would not have signed the Fugitive Slave Bill. All we can say is, that he was fated not to have the opportunity, and that Douglas's prophecy again came true in the case of his successor, when the North (nominally) got the man, and the South Ante, p. 238. got the measure. Quite otherwise was it with Robert C. Winthrop's prevision when, in 1848, on giving his adhesion to Taylor's nomination, he said: And if any accident should befall him (which Heaven avert!), your own Millard Fillmore will carry out such an administration to its legitimate completion. Lib. 18.105. This New York doughface, having called Webster to the Secretaryship of State, gave, with alacrity Lib. 20.119. and without scruple, his assent to the Fugitive Sept. 18, 1850. Slave Bill, which else might have failed to become a law. I
John G. Whittier (search for this): chapter 10
ple, against popular rights and the great cause of human freedom. As such, every republican must denounce it. So did the Quaker poet of Massachusetts: John G. Whittier to W. L. Garrison. Amesbury, 13th 5th mo., 1850. Ms., and Lib. 20:[79]. dear friend Garrison: I have just laid down a New York paper giving the disgras be prepared [for] the worst, and may God give us strength, wisdom, and ability to withstand it. With esteem and sympathy, I am very truly thy friend, John G. Whittier. Boston would fain have aped New York in dealing with the New England Anti-Slavery Convention, which opened at the Melodeon on May 28, and closed in Faneive. Henry Ward Beecher in the Independent, Lib. 20.162, 166. Theodore Parker from the pulpit, invited the penalty of obedience to the higher law of humanity. Whittier proclaimed himself a Nullifier to that extent. The Lib. 20.173. venerable Josiah Quincy, shaming his successor in the Ante, p. 278. presidency of Harvard Coll
to make my speech about the religion of the country, when, at last, the pent — up feelings of the mobocrats broke out, and, with the notorious Capt. Rynders at their head, they came rushing on to the platform, yelling, cheering, swearing, etc., etc. But, after much tumult and many interruptions, I got through with my speech—then Mr. Furness Rev. W. H. Furness. made a capital speech—then an opponent spoke—then F. Douglass. Douglass and Samuel Ward—and we wound up with electrical effect. Wendell had no time to speak. But the mail will close instanter. W. Phillips. No part of this for the press. The N. Y. papers will tell the story to-morrow. The Tabernacle was a Congregational place of worship, on the northeast corner of Broadway and Anthony (now Worth) Street. The revivalist Finney had formerly C. G. Finney. preached there. It was a large hall, nearly square, on the ground floor, with a gentle descent from the entrance. The platform faced this entrance, with tiers of
E. M. P. Wells (search for this): chapter 10
ng of the great religious Ante, 2.152. denominations—the Episcopal alone remaining intact. This encomiastic exception was merited. Mr. Garrison wrote in June, 1850 (Lib. 20: 104): The conscience of the Episcopal Church of this country, so far as the colored population are concerned, whether bond or free, is harder than adamant. On Sept. 26, 1850, the Protestant Episcopal Convention in New York city refused to admit delegates from its own colored churches (Lib. 20: [158]). Save the Rev. E. M. P. Wells of Boston, who early withdrew from the cause (ante, 2: 54, 85, 252), we recall no Episcopal clergyman—as no Catholic priest—who ever identified himself with the abolitionists. As is well known, a slaveholding Southern Episcopal Bishop became a Confederate Major-General. Daniel Webster's incredible 7th of March speech, in Lib. 20.42, 43, 45. wholesale support of the Compromise, carried dismay to the Conscience Whigs, who had built their hopes of him on random utterances disconn<
D. Webster (search for this): chapter 10
still glowing cavernously,—Clay, Calhoun, and Webster worked, in unequal and even discordant partneTrue, he had said at Marshfield, Lib. 20.47; Webster's Works, 2.437. in September, 1842: We talk o, during his visit to that city in May, 1847 (Webster's Works, 2: 371-388). As the real stake oheld at the Marlboroa Hotel, Boston, in 1822, Webster presiding, and Judge Story introducing resolue Constitution, elicited acknowledgments from Webster, which were so many supplements Lib. 20.62, of Lib. 20.55. Plymouth County, the home of Webster; and widely by the religious press. These fa mobs against us. The scandalous treachery of Webster, and the backing he has received from Andovernly contrasts honorably with that of Clay and Webster. Small praise that, to be sure. A new sourc bore witness to the truth of the assertion. Webster was encouraging the commercial interests of of this State will support with alacrity Webster's phrase for fulfilling constitutional obliga[6 more...]
Washington (search for this): chapter 10
ed orators for this Anniversary, the black Douglass, who, at the Syracuse Convention in January, Ante. p. 281. had invoked immediate disunion, and alleged that Washington, Jefferson, and Patrick Henry were strangers to any just idea of Liberty—This was uttered, says a contemporary, and no hand was raised to fell the speaker to thoquence did not save him, either, from failure to obtain a hearing, or from filthy verbal missiles. At every turn he was interrupted and overborne. Mention of Washington brought out a call for three cheers for the Father of his Country, vehemently given. Yes, echoed Mr. Garrison Lib. 20:[78]. from the chair; three cheers for WWashington, who emancipated his slaves and died an abolitionist!—and this time the genuine meeting shouted with a will, while the rioters, fairly caught, bore it with a laugh. At length the time came for them to take formal control of the meeting which their guerilla warfare had utterly deranged. Brushing aside the offer of Pr
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