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om blood. Comparing the approaching meeting with the Nashville Disunion Ante, p. 279. Convention, Bennett pronounced the former to be much the more mischievous, and renewed his appeal for its suppression in the most inflammatory language. On May 7, he singled out the editor of the Liberator, Nat. A. S. Standard, 10.198; Lib. 20.77. saying that, since the World's Convention, Garrison had boldly urged the utter overthrow of the churches, the Sabbath, and the Bible. Nothing has been sacctions to pay no Lib. 20:[79]. attention to anything short of actual assault and battery. Hence his captains and their hundreds looked on Nat. A. S. Standard, 10.202. passively at the scenes in the hall of the Society Library in the evening of May 7, when some two dozen rioters drowned with jocose and abusive interlocutions, with Lib. 20:[78]. hisses, oaths, catcalls, and a general charivari, the attempted speeches of Parker Pillsbury, Stephen S. Foster, and Mrs. Ernestine L. Rose. Wedne
achery of Webster, and the backing he has received from Andover and Harvard, show Ante, p. 278. that we have nothing to hope for from the great political parties and religious sects. Let us be prepared [for] the worst, and may God give us strength, wisdom, and ability to withstand it. With esteem and sympathy, I am very truly thy friend, John G. Whittier. Boston would fain have aped New York in dealing with the New England Anti-Slavery Convention, which opened at the Melodeon on May 28, and closed in Faneuil Lib. 20.87. Hall on May 30. The New York Herald's namesake—as vile as Bennett's paper, but feebler—did what it could Lib. 20.96. to harass and abort the meeting, but in vain. The disorderly were now recruited not so much from the Democracy as from the ranks of the Webster Whigs—socially a Lib. 20.93. distinction with some difference. In spite of them Burleigh Lib. 20.89, 90. had his say in splendid fashion; so had Phillips, Garrison, and their colleagues suppre<
rom Andover and Harvard, show Ante, p. 278. that we have nothing to hope for from the great political parties and religious sects. Let us be prepared [for] the worst, and may God give us strength, wisdom, and ability to withstand it. With esteem and sympathy, I am very truly thy friend, John G. Whittier. Boston would fain have aped New York in dealing with the New England Anti-Slavery Convention, which opened at the Melodeon on May 28, and closed in Faneuil Lib. 20.87. Hall on May 30. The New York Herald's namesake—as vile as Bennett's paper, but feebler—did what it could Lib. 20.96. to harass and abort the meeting, but in vain. The disorderly were now recruited not so much from the Democracy as from the ranks of the Webster Whigs—socially a Lib. 20.93. distinction with some difference. In spite of them Burleigh Lib. 20.89, 90. had his say in splendid fashion; so had Phillips, Garrison, and their colleagues suppressed in New York—Theodore Parker, William H. Channi
nd—I come to break the bonds of the oppressor. A flowing scroll, unifying the design, bore the injunction, Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself. So far had blasphemy corrupted the editor. Miss Martineau, who had illustrated in the most signal manner both the intellectual and the political capacity of her sex, penned the letter just quoted on the day of the opening at Worcester of the first Woman's Rights Lib. 20.142, 175, 181. Convention in Massachusetts. Mr. Garrison had attended in June a preliminary meeting, in Boston, at which he Lib. 20.91. spoke in hearty approval of the movement: I rise, he said, to give my support, however feeble it may Lib. 20.91. be, to the object which is sought to be accomplished by this meeting. I do so all the more cheerfully, not only because this movement is in its infancy, but because it will be sure to encounter popular odium at first, and to subject its advocates to ridicule. It is under just such circumstances that I wish to be
South Ante, p. 238. got the measure. Quite otherwise was it with Robert C. Winthrop's prevision when, in 1848, on giving his adhesion to Taylor's nomination, he said: And if any accident should befall him (which Heaven avert!), your own Millard Fillmore will carry out such an administration to its legitimate completion. Lib. 18.105. This New York doughface, having called Webster to the Secretaryship of State, gave, with alacrity Lib. 20.119. and without scruple, his assent to the Fugitive Sept. 18, 1850. Slave Bill, which else might have failed to become a law. It had less than a two-thirds majority in the House—109 to 75 (Lib. 20: 151). The slave-catchers, already at work in anticipation of its Lib. 20.126, [130], [131], 136, 138. enactment, now more boldly renewed their hunting of men in all parts of the North. The terror-stricken colored Lib. 20:[158], 167, 171, 174. communities along the border—the free sharing the fears of the self-emancipated, and liable to the same fat
can perform an agreeable duty—it is not every man who can perform a disagreeable duty. Lib. 20.70. Would Massachusetts, he asked sardonically, conquer her own Prejudices? Lib. 20.70. The answer to this question was rendered at the polls in November, when the Whig party received a crushing Lib. 20.182. defeat in Massachusetts. But more immediately response was made in Faneuil Hall by abolitionists and Free Lib. 20.47, 50. Soilers; by the colored people of Boston; by the voters of Lib. 2e Fugitive Slave Law, a Peter Lesley in his sermons set Deuteronomy 23 over against Romans 13; a Theodore Lib. 20.174. Parker discoursed on The Function and Place of Conscience in relation to the Laws of Men. Lib. 20.175. On the eve of the November elections, into which the Fugitive Slave Law imported a new criterion and unwonted intensity of feeling; on the eve, too, of a fresh Lib. 20.177, 195, 197, 201. outbreak of Union-saving meetings, George Thompson revisited the country which had
November 15th (search for this): chapter 10
laves foreigners to us [in Massachusetts], with no right to be here, and to be repelled on the same ground that foreign paupers and criminals were excluded. Thompson's welcome, clearly, was to come, now as before, from the abolitionists alone. The Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society had extended theirs in January, Jan. 25, 1850; Lib. 20.19. on an intimation of his intention to arrive somewhat earlier than he did. They promptly arranged for a Lib. 20.178. reception in Faneuil Hall on November 15, and invitations to lecture on various topics began to pour in from all Lib. 20.178, 198. directions. But already the satanic press of the country had sounded the alarm to the mob. Bennett, in his Herald, J. G. Bennett. making evil of Thompson's good, with absurd falsifications of his English career, advised him—if he value not the peace of this country, to value his own, and to be exceedingly careful to restrain his tongue in this country. The difficulties which beset us are quite su
ty of obedience to the higher law of humanity. Whittier proclaimed himself a Nullifier to that extent. The Lib. 20.173. venerable Josiah Quincy, shaming his successor in the Ante, p. 278. presidency of Harvard College, headed a call for a Lib. 20.166. meeting in Faneuil Hall on October 14, 1850, to consider the condition of fugitive slaves and other colored persons under the new law. In a letter read in his absence, he impugned the constitutionality both of the law of 1850 and of that of 1793 which it amended, alleging that Massachusetts accepted the compromise clause in the Federal Constitution concerning runaways on the understanding that the claim should be enforced in conformity to and in coincidence with the known and established principles of her own Constitution. Charles Francis Adams, who presided, and Richard H. Dana, Jr., who offered the resolutions, called for the instant repeal, at the next session of Congress, of a measure both unconstitutional and repugnant to the m
ard to California and New Mexico, that their physical conditions debarred African slavery, and he would not take pains to reaffirm an ordinance of Nature, nor to reenact the will of God Lib. 20.43 cf. 21.93.; his offer to support a Government scheme of colonizing Lib. 20.46. the free colored population of the South In the Boston Congregationalist of July 6, 1849 (Lib. 19.166), Lewis Tappan told of having acted as secretary of a colonization meeting held at the Marlboroa Hotel, Boston, in 1822, Webster presiding, and Judge Story introducing resolutions. This was followed by one to organize the Massachusetts Colonization Society, when a great division of sentiment was manifested over the constitution reported, and Webster at length declared: It is a scheme of the slaveholders to get rid of the free negroes. I will have nothing to do with it—and left the room.—all was mere surplusage. It was his advocacy of the duty of slave-hunting which brought upon him the withering censure of
d inevitably render it—should this be attempted, I know nothing, even in the Constitution or in the Union itself, which would not be endangered by the explosion which might follow. But how consistently he had dodged every opportunity Ante, 2.247. in Congress to make himself the spokesman of that muchdesired North, or the protector of that respectable religious feeling when it was regularly coerced into silence in both Houses! What word or act of his in support of John Quincy Adams since 1830 could be cited— what to vindicate the right of petition? How did he resent the expulsion of Massachusetts from the Federal Ante, p. 130. courts in South Carolina in the person of Samuel Hoar? See, for a partial answer, his fulsome flattery of Charleston for its hospitality, and—risum teneatis?—as the home of the oppressed, during his visit to that city in May, 1847 (Webster's Works, 2: 371-388). As the real stake of the Compromise game was the Fugitive Slave Law, One of those affil
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