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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3. Search the whole document.

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Richard D. Webb (search for this): chapter 12
ay, Jr., in the spring of 1852, was W. L. G.'s name, more than now, odious in the eyes of most of the professing abolitionists of England. . . . A large number of people only know of him as a violent, immoral, infidel leader of a fanatical Abolition party (quoted in Ms. June 7, 1852, S. May, Jr., to W. L. G.). See the vindicatory pamphlet, Statements respecting the American Abolitionists, by their Opponents and their Friends, published by the Bristol and Clifton Ladies' A. S. Society (Dublin: Webb & Chapman, 1852). A year before, Mr. McKim, in writing to Mr. Garrison Ms. Oct. 25, 1851. on another topic, asked if the rumor were true that he believed in the spiritual origin of the so-called Rochester knockings. The first public revelation of his views on this subject—views which, if they did not tend to prove his infidelity, at least did not improve his orthodox standing—was made in the Liberator of May 7, 1852, in an editorial notice of the Rev. Charles Hammond's Light from the S
D. Webster (search for this): chapter 12
s struggle you had not long ago with Mexico, in which General Scott drove the President of the Republic from his capital. Lib. 22.2. Introduced in Washington, by Webster, to Fillmore—fathers of the law sanctioning the grossest intervention of the South against the liberties of the North —he is told by the President that his missioing else than a direct sanction to slaveholding, slave-breeding, and slave-hunting. None but those who are morally depraved or blind can give such a vote. As Webster, at the Whig Convention, received only a contemptible minority of votes (the largest third from Massachusetts, and not one from any Southern Whig, in spite of hisfor her perfect service the Democratic Party. Like those languid Tritons who, at the wood-nymph's feet, poured Pearls while on land they withered and adored, Webster in the flesh and the Whig party in its name and Lib. 22.174, 175, 179. organization died within a fortnight of each other at the feet of their goddess. The Free
T. D. Weld (search for this): chapter 12
prompt Ante, 2.133. to issue its bull against the Grimkes, for publicly pleading the cause of all such as are appointed to destruction? Even the New York Observer and Puritan Recorder are dumb! And all this in view of the fact that the women are claiming entire equality of rights with men—the right to be ministers, lawyers, doctors, and even legislators! Really, the age is progressive —and, beyond all cavil, the world moves. Speaking of the Grimkes, Angelina (with her children) and Mrs. Weld. Sarah are now spending a few weeks at the pleasant residence of Samuel Philbrick in Brookline. The latter I have seen, but Angelina was too unwell, the day I called, to leave her room. She is suffering from the fever and ague. They both wear the Bloomer costume. A short skirt, with trousers (Lib. 21: 76). Mrs. [Amelia] Bloomer was among the first to wear the dress, and stoutly advocated its adoption in her paper, the Lily, published at Seneca Falls, N. Y. But it was introduced by El
Theodore D. Weld (search for this): chapter 12
iety in person ensured the Lib. 22.3. conveyance to Kossuth of truthful warning. Copies of the Fugitive Slave Law and of Weld's Slavery as it is A book of horrors, the perusal of which would have congealed the blood of Kossuth if he had been a true man (W. L. Garrison in Lib. 22.6). The full title of this work, compiled by Theodore D. Weld, was American slavery as it is: testimony of a thousand witnesses. . . . New York: Am. A. S. Society, 1839. This and the Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin are the om with parallel columns of slaveholding barbarities, In this respect, the letter is worthy to be consulted along with Weld's Slavery as it is and Mrs. Stowe's Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin. and his subserviency to slavery with the attitude of ThoGerrit Smith, in 1850 ( Hist. Of Woman Suffrage, 1: 127; and see also pp. 469, 844). Theodore is at home on his farm. T. D. Weld. W. L. Garrison to S. J. May. Boston, Sept. 27, 1852. Ms. Thanks for your letter. You say, come, and the trav
Wendell (search for this): chapter 12
xistence of slavery. Penn. Freeman. What is stranger, perhaps, Uncle Tom did not tell on the vote of the anti-slavery political party in this Presidential year, 1852. To this party we must now give some attention, beginning with a retrospect. Nothing, said the editor of the Liberator, in January, 1849, can be more superficial or more destitute of principle than the Free Soil movement Lib. 19.6, 7.; and at the annual meeting of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society in the same month, Wendell Jan. 24-26. Phillips moved a resolve that abolitionists could not look Lib. 19.19. on the Free Soil Party as an anti-slavery party in any proper sense of the term. Of the Liberty Party papers which had turned Free Soil in order to survive, Mr. Garrison declared that they had all lost vigor and anti-slavery character, and that their latter state is worse than their former; and that was deplorable enough. Lib. 19.6, [94]. In this year the Barnburner element in New York returned to its Li
John G. Whittier (search for this): chapter 12
Lib. 21.195. indited his grateful acceptance, lavishing upon the United States the most fulsome flattery. May your great example, noble Americans, be to other nations the source of social virtues; your power be the terror of all tyrants, the protector of the distressed, and your free country ever continue to be the asylum of the oppressed of all nations! Long before this address saw the light, the abolitionists had grave cause to dread Kossuth's arrival. Who shall receive him? asked Whittier. Who shall receive him? Who, unblushing, speak Lib. 21.204. Welcome to him who, while he strove to break The Austrian yoke from Magyar necks, smote off Godkin's History of Hungary, p. 319; Pulszky's White, Red and Black, 2.58. At the same blow the fetters of the serf,— Rearing the altar of his Fatherland On the firm base of freedom, and thereby, Lifting to Heaven a patriot's stainless hand, Mocked not the God of Justice with a lie! Who shall be Freedom's mouthpiece? Who shall give
Wilberforce (search for this): chapter 12
old the anecdote by Sir Thomas Fowell Buxton), in 1829, after his election to the House of Commons, was called upon by the West India interest, some fifty or sixty strong, who said, O'Connell, you have been accustomed to act with Clarkson and Wilberforce, Lushington and Brougham, to speak on the platform of Freemasons' Hall and advocate what is called the abolition cause. Mark this! If you will break loose from these associates, if you will close your mouth on the slave question, you may reccourage that amounts to recklessness. . . . Had he possessed, as a balance to these, conciliation, good nature, benevolence, or even a certain popular mirthfulness; had he possessed the moderation and urbanity of Clarkson, or the deep piety of Wilberforce, he had been the one man of our age. These all he lacked. Had the disease of America needed only counter-irritation, no better blister could have been applied (Lib. 20: 203). Now, from antedating him, they made bold to throw him out altogethe
Henry Wilson (search for this): chapter 12
felt that another four years must pass before anything could be achieved. When a Convention at Pittsburgh was talked of, John P. Hale let it be known Lib. 22.131. in advance that he would not accept the nomination if tendered him again. Nevertheless, assemble it did on August 11, borrowing the appellation of Free Democracy Lib. 22.134. from the Cleveland Convention of May 2, 1849, Lib. 19.85. and drawing to itself both Free Soil and the remnant of independent Liberty Party elements. Henry Wilson presided. Frederick Douglass, on motion of Lewis Tappan, was made one of the secretaries. Charles Francis Adams, Gerrit Smith, F. J. Le Moyne, and Joshua R. Giddings took a leading part. The platform declared for no more slave States, no slave Territory, no nationalized slavery, and no national legislation for the extradition of slaves Lib. 22.134. —which last was to be relegated to the States; Accordingly, the new party was estopped from complaining of California's having passed a
Henry C. Wright (search for this): chapter 12
deed, if not those who had invited him? A prior question was, Who shall inform him truly of the state of affairs in the so-called land of freedom? An American who had known Kossuth at home, and likened him to Washington and Channing Lib. 19.104. combined, told of having often observed Channing's works on his table—excellent aids (we will add) to Kossuth's theological development, but not calculated to make him shun the society or applause of slaveholders. Save him! save him! wrote Henry C. Wright to James Haughton Lib. 21.179. of Dublin. Tell him of American slavery. He is lost —lost to himself and the friends and cause of liberty in all coming time—if he lands on this slavery-cursed shore. here lies Kossuth—the American slaveholder —must be his epitaph if he touches our shore! And again, after reading the address from Broussa: Slave-catchers will do by him as they have done, successfully, by Theobald Mathew—avail themselves of his world-wide fame and influence to pr
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