Foreign governments and the United States.
From the time when the
South Carolina ordinance of secession was passed there was observed in most of the
European courts an unfriendliness of spirit towards the national government and a willingness to give its enemies encouragement in their revolutionary measures.
The public journals in their interest were equally unfriendly in their utterances.
When, early in February, the
Confederate States government was organized,
Europe seemed prepared to accept the hopeless dismemberment of the republic as an accomplished fact.
This belief was strengthened by the despatches of most of the foreign ministers at
Washington to their respective governments, who announced, early in February, the practical dissolution of the
Union; and some affected to be amazed at the folly of Congress in legislating concerning the tariff and other national measures when the nation was hopelessly expiring.
The
Queen of
England, in her speech from the throne, expressed a “heartfelt wish” that the difference that distracted our country “might be susceptible of a satisfactory adjustment.”
For these humane expressions she was reproved; and, finally, yielding to the importunities of her ministers, some of whom earnestly desired the downfall of the
American republic, she issued (May 13, 1861) a proclamation of neutrality, by which a Confederate government, as existing, was acknowledged, and belligerent rights were accorded to the
Confederates.
Already an understanding existed between the governments of
England and
France that they were to act together in regard to American affairs.
They had even gone so far as to apprise other
European governments of this understanding, with the expectation that they would concur with them and follow their example, whatever it might be. Thus, at the very outset of the
Civil War, these two powerful governments had entered into a combination for arraying
Europe on the side of the
Confederates, and giving them moral if not material aid in their efforts to destroy the republic.
The proclamation of Queen Victoria, made with unseemly haste before the minister of the new administration,
Charles F. Adams (q. v.), could reach
England, was followed by corresponding unfriendly action in the British Parliament.
And in addition to affected indifference to the fate of the
American nation, British legislators, orators, publicists, and journalists were lavish of causeless abuse, not only of the government, but of the people of the free-labor States who were loyal to the government.
This abuse was often expressed in phrases so unmanly and ungenerous, and even coarse and vulgar at times, that highminded Englishmen blushed for shame.
The Emperor of the
French was more cautious and astute; but he followed Queen Victoria apparently in according belligerent rights to the
Confederates by a decree (June 11, 1861), and, at the same time, entered into political combinations for the propagation of imperialism in
North America, with a belief that the days of the great republic were numbered and its power to enforce the
Monroe doctrine (q. v.) had vanished.
The
Queen of
Spain also hastened to proclaim the neutrality of her government, and to combine with
France in replanting the seeds of monarchical institutions in the western hemisphere, now that the republic was apparently expiring.
The
King of
Portugal also recognized the
Confederates as belligerents.
But the more enlightened and wise monarch of
Russia, who was about to strike off the shackles of almost 40,000,000 slaves in his own dominions, instructed his minister (July 29, 1861) to say to the imperial representative at
Washington: “In every event the
American nation may count upon the most cordial sympathy on
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the part of our august master during the important crisis which it is passing through at present.”
The
Russian Emperor kept his word; and the powers of
western Europe, regarding him as a pronounced ally of the
American Republic, acted with more circumspection.
The attitude of foreign governments encouraged the
Confederates to believe that recognition and aid would surely be furnished; and the government of
England, by a negative policy, did give them all the aid and encouragement it prudently could until it was seen that the
Confederate cause was hopeless, when
Lord John Russell addressed the head of the
Confederacy in insulting terms.
That astute publicist,
Count Gasparin, of
France, writing in 1862, when considering the unprecedented precipitancy with which leading
European powers recognized the
Confederates as belligerents, said: “Instead of asking on which side were justice and liberty, we hastened to ask on which side were our interests; then, too, on which side were the best chances of success.”
He said
England had a legal right to be neutral, but had no moral right to withhold her sympathies from a nation “struggling for its existence and universal justice against rebels intent on crimes against humanity.”
