Military officer; born in
Derby, Conn., June 24, 1753; graduated at Yale College in 1772; studied divinity a year; then became a student at the Litchfield Law School; and was admitted to the bar in 1775.
He soon afterwards became captain in
Webb's regiment, and joined the
Continental army at
Cambridge.
He behaved bravely at
Dorchester Heights,
White Plains,
Trenton, and
Princeton, and after the battle at the latter place he was promoted to major.
Through all the most conspicuous battles in the
North,
Hull was active and courageous, and a participant in the capture of Cornwallis.
He served as inspector under
Baron von Steuben; was promoted to lieutenant-colonel in 1779; and soon afterwards to colonel.
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458]
Hull practised law with reputation at
Newton after the war, was a leading member of the Massachusetts legislature in both houses, and was a noted man in wealth and reputation in that State when he became major-general of militia.
He commanded a portion of the troops which suppressed
Shays's rebellion (see
Shays, Daniel). In 1793 he was a commissioner to
Canada to treat with the Indians; and on his return from
Europe, in 1798, he was made a judge of the court of common pleas.
From 1805 to 1812 he was governor of
Michigan Territory, where, after
a fruitless and brief campaign for the invasion of
Canada, as commander of the Army of the Northwest, he was compelled to surrender
Detroit and the
Territory into the possession of the
British.
For this act he was tried by court-martial, sentenced to death, pardoned by the
President, and afterwards published such a thorough vindication of his conduct that his name and fame now appear in history untarnished.
He died in
Newton, Mass., Nov. 29, 1825.
When
General Hull arrived near
Detroit with his army, July 6, 1812, he encamped at Spring
Wells, opposite
Sandwich, where the
British were casting up intrenchments.
His troops were anxious to cross the
Detroit River immediately and invade
Canada, but
Hull had orders to await advices from
Washington.
The troops became almost mutinous.
The general was perplexed, but was relieved by receiving a despatch from the
Secretary of War telling him to “commence operations immediately.”
He could not procure boats enough to carry over a sufficient force to land in the face of the enemy at
Sandwich, so he resorted to strategy.
Towards the evening of July 11 all the boats were sent down to Spring
Wells in full view of the
British, and
Colonel McArthur, with his regiment, marched to the same place.
After dark troops and boats moved up the river unobserved to
Bloody Run, above
Detroit.
The
British, finding all silent at Spring
Wells, believed the
Americans had gone down to attack
Malden, 18 miles below, so they left
Sandwich and hurried to its defence.
At dawn there were no troops to oppose the passage of the
Americans, and
Hull's troops passed the river unmolested.
Colonel Cass hoisted the
American flag at
Sandwich, and the
American troops encamped near.
On the same day
Hull issued a stirring proclamation, in which he set forth the reasons for the invasion, and assured the inhabitants that all who remained at home should be secure in person and property.
He did not ask them to join him, but to remain quiet.
This proclamation, and the presence of a considerable army, caused many
Canadian militia to desert their standard.
To the
Americans the conquest of
Canada appeared like an easy task.
Hull's army then lay almost inactive between
Sandwich and Fort Malden.
The young officers became exceedingly impatient, and almost mutinous, because
Hull continually restrained them, and was unwilling to send out detachments on offensive expeditions.
He had given
Van Horne so few men wherewith to escort
Captain Brush, with his cattle and provisions, that when the army heard of the disaster to the troops there was plain and
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|
Map of the scene of some of Hull's operations. |
loud talk at headquarters that startled the general.
“Send 500 men at once,” said
McArthur and
Cass, “to escort Brush to headquarters.”
“I cannot spare more than 100,” replied
Hull.
The mutinous spirit was then so threatening that
Hull called a council of officers, when it was agreed to march immediately upon Fort Malden.
The troops were delighted.
Preparations went on vigorously, and an order to march for
Amherstburg was momentarily expected, when, near the close of the day, an order was promulgated for the army to
recross the river to Detroit!—an order to abandon
Canada.
This order was in consequence of intelligence just received that a large force of British regulars,
Canadian militia, and Indians were approaching from the east, under
Gov. Sir Isaac Brock.
Sullenly the humiliated army obeyed their cautious commander, and on the night of Aug. 7 and the morning of the 8th they crossed the
Detroit River, and encamped upon the rolling plain in the rear of Fort Detroit.
Major Denny
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460]
was left on the
Canada side with 130 convalescents and a corps of artillerists, to occupy
Sandwich and afford “all possible protection to the well-disposed inhabitants.”
In consequence of negotiations for a suspension of hostilities between the
American and
British armies then proposed (1812),
General Dearborn agreed with
Sir George Prevost,
governor-general of
Canada, for a provisional armistice, confined to the
American troops on the northern frontier and the armies of the
British along the opposite and corresponding line.
To effect this armistice Sir George's adjutant-general,
Edward Baynes, repaired to
Dearborn's headquarters at
Greenbush, opposite
Albany, and there the armistice was signed, Aug. 9, 1812.
This armistice was rejected by the government of the
United States, and
Dearborn was directed to put an end to it immediately.
But he continued it until Aug. 29, for the purpose, as he alleged, of forwarding stores to
Sackett's Harbor.
It released the
British troops on the
Niagara frontier, and
Sir Isaac Brock, governor of
Upper Canada, was enabled to hasten to the
Detroit River and effect the capture of the army of
General Hull.
Dearborn gave that commander no intimation of the armistice; and it was during its unwarranted continuance for twenty days that the forced surrender of
Hull to overwhelming numbers, Aug. 16, took place.
Dearborn's excuse for his silence was that he did not consider
Hull within the limits of his command.
General Hull, on his release at
Montreal, on parole, returned to his farm at
Newton, Mass., from which he was summoned to appear before a court-martial at
Philadelphia on Feb. 25, 1813, of which
Gen. Wade Hampton was appointed president.
The members of the court were three
brigadier-generals, nine colonels, and three
lieutenant-colonels.
A. J. Dallas, of
Pennsylvania, was judge-advocate.
This court was suddenly dissolved by the
President, without giving any reason for the act; and, almost a year afterwards,
Hull was summoned before another, convened at
Albany, N. Y., Jan. 3, 1814, composed of three
brigadier-generals, four colonels, and five
lieutenant-colonels, with
Dallas as judge-advocate.
General Dearborn was appointed president of the court.
His neglect of duty to inform
Hull of an armistice he had entered into with the
British (and so allowed
Brock to go unopposed to Fort Malden with troops) was charged by the accused and his friends as the chief cause of the disaster at
Detroit.
The defendant might justly have objected to that officer as his chief judge, for the acquittal of
Hull would have been a condemnation of
Dearborn.
But
Hull was anxious for trial, and he waived all feeling.
He was charged with treason, cowardice, neglect of duty, and unofficerlike conduct from April 9 until Aug. 16, 1812.
He was tried on the last two charges only.
Colonel Cass was his chief accuser.
The specifications under the charge of “cowardice” were: “1.
Not attacking
Malden, and retreating to
Detroit.
2. Appearance of alarm during the cannonade.
3. Appearance of alarm on the day of the surrender.
4. Surrendering of
Detroit.”
The specifications under the last charge were similar to those under the first.
After a session of eighty days, the court decided, March 26, 1814, that he was not guilty of treason, but found him guilty of cowardice and neglect of duty, and sentenced him to be shot, and his name stricken from the rolls of the army.
The court strongly recommended him to the mercy of the
President on account of his age and his Revolutionary services.
On April 25, 1814, the
President approved the sentence of the court-martial, and on the same day the following order, bearing the signature of
Adjutant-General Walbach, was issued: “The rolls of the army are to be no longer disgraced by having upon them the name of
Brig.-Gen. William Hull.
The general courtmartial, of which
General Dearborn is president, is hereby dissolved.”
For about twelve years
Hull lived under a cloud.
His applications to the War Department at
Washington for copies of papers which would vindicate him were denied, until
John C. Calhoun became
Secretary of War, when he promptly furnished them.
With these
General Hull set about writing his vindication, which was contained in a pamphlet of a little more than 300 pages, entitled
Memoirs of the campaign of the Northwestern army of the United States.
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461]
It wrought a great change in the public mind.
It was seen that he had been misjudged by his impetuous young officers; that his motives in making the surrender were humane and just, and that his assuming the whole responsibility of the act was heroic in the extreme.
To
Mr. Wallace, one of his aides, he said, when they parted at
Detroit: “God bless you, my young friend!
You return to your family without a stain; as for myself, I have sacrificed a reputation dearer to me than life; but I have saved the inhabitants of
Detroit, and my heart approves the act.”
To-day the character of
Gen. William Hull, purified of unwarranted stains, appears in history, without a blemish in the eye of just appreciation.