[276] and intolerant of all. A just retribution is already upon her. In a few days more than a hundred thousand fighting men will be on her soil which will be devastated by the terrible storm of war, her people driven from their homes, their fields blasted, their property destroyed, and their great institution at the mercy of their foes. Virginia should never have been a slave State. For the first time in her history, it is in our power to make it a free one. In support of the advance upon the State, there must now be nearly 40,000 troops in or near Washington. Of these 30,000 could be made available for offensive operations. The number is daily and rapidly augmented by the constant arrival of regiments from every portion of the Northern States. This is a very formidable force, much larger we believe than can be opposed to it, should Harper's Ferry and Norfolk be attacked or threatened by competent forces at the same time. We possess great advantages, not only in the superiority of numbers, but in our means of concentration against any menaced points. In a very few days our active forces could be accumulated either at Washington or Fort Monroe. It would take as many weeks for the rebels to make a similar movement. Our position controls the entire field, with unlimited means for transportation, while the enemy must move upon its exterior, which, for a portion of the distance, is without either railroad or water-line. Such an advantage ought to be conclusive of the issue — as it fulfils the grand condition of success in military affairs — superior forces at point of contact. We trust the present movement is the signal for efficient offensive operations. If the positions already taken are held, an important advantage has been gained. Our capital has been freed from the possibility of an attack. Up to yesterday the enemy, from Arlington Heights, might have shelled every part of the city. Northern Virginia has been completely cut off from the Southern portion of it. Such advantages should be instantly followed up. We need, if we can achieve it, an early success. The rebellion takes its character from the future fortune it meets. If successful, it is elevated to the dignity of a national contest. If unsuccessful it is only a conspiracy of a faction. We must expect foreign Governments to shape their policy by the same tests. If England sees us masters of the occasion, she will either maintain neutrality or side with us. If we are defeated, we must expect her hostility. It is, therefore, of the utmost importance that we make an early and decided demonstration. We cannot in the end fail to triumph, and we should instantly put forth every effort to such a result. The rebels will never give in so long as there is the shadow of hope of foreign interference in their favor. By destroying this hope, we put an end to the contest.--N. Y. Times.
[276] and intolerant of all. A just retribution is already upon her. In a few days more than a hundred thousand fighting men will be on her soil which will be devastated by the terrible storm of war, her people driven from their homes, their fields blasted, their property destroyed, and their great institution at the mercy of their foes. Virginia should never have been a slave State. For the first time in her history, it is in our power to make it a free one. In support of the advance upon the State, there must now be nearly 40,000 troops in or near Washington. Of these 30,000 could be made available for offensive operations. The number is daily and rapidly augmented by the constant arrival of regiments from every portion of the Northern States. This is a very formidable force, much larger we believe than can be opposed to it, should Harper's Ferry and Norfolk be attacked or threatened by competent forces at the same time. We possess great advantages, not only in the superiority of numbers, but in our means of concentration against any menaced points. In a very few days our active forces could be accumulated either at Washington or Fort Monroe. It would take as many weeks for the rebels to make a similar movement. Our position controls the entire field, with unlimited means for transportation, while the enemy must move upon its exterior, which, for a portion of the distance, is without either railroad or water-line. Such an advantage ought to be conclusive of the issue — as it fulfils the grand condition of success in military affairs — superior forces at point of contact. We trust the present movement is the signal for efficient offensive operations. If the positions already taken are held, an important advantage has been gained. Our capital has been freed from the possibility of an attack. Up to yesterday the enemy, from Arlington Heights, might have shelled every part of the city. Northern Virginia has been completely cut off from the Southern portion of it. Such advantages should be instantly followed up. We need, if we can achieve it, an early success. The rebellion takes its character from the future fortune it meets. If successful, it is elevated to the dignity of a national contest. If unsuccessful it is only a conspiracy of a faction. We must expect foreign Governments to shape their policy by the same tests. If England sees us masters of the occasion, she will either maintain neutrality or side with us. If we are defeated, we must expect her hostility. It is, therefore, of the utmost importance that we make an early and decided demonstration. We cannot in the end fail to triumph, and we should instantly put forth every effort to such a result. The rebels will never give in so long as there is the shadow of hope of foreign interference in their favor. By destroying this hope, we put an end to the contest.--N. Y. Times.
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