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Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 520 520 Browse Search
William F. Fox, Lt. Col. U. S. V., Regimental Losses in the American Civil War, 1861-1865: A Treatise on the extent and nature of the mortuary losses in the Union regiments, with full and exhaustive statistics compiled from the official records on file in the state military bureaus and at Washington 182 182 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 112 112 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition. 64 64 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 8 38 38 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Massachusetts in the Army and Navy during the war of 1861-1865, vol. 1, Mass. officers and men who died. 36 36 Browse Search
John Beatty, The Citizen-Soldier; or, Memoirs of a Volunteer 31 31 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition. 28 28 Browse Search
Brigadier-General Ellison Capers, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 5, South Carolina (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 27 27 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 22. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 23 23 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore). You can also browse the collection for December or search for December in all documents.

Your search returned 8 results in 8 document sections:

y must have been present to the minds of the Southern planters when they raised the standard of revolt. They argued that the first law of nature, self-preservation, would compel England and France to force the blockade of the Southern ports to supply themselves with an article the possession of which is essential to keep down starvation and insurrection at home, and in this sense they reasoned wisely. We may rub on with comparative ease until the Fall of the year, but towards November and December next, when cotton-laden vessels from New Orleans, Mobile, Charleston, and other ports in possession of the Southern Confederacy, usually make their appearance in British and French waters, the question will arise — a serious one for all parties — what is to be done? There are those among us who contend that, unless peace between the North and south has been secured in the interval, we must in self-defence violate the blockade to secure that great essentia of life — cotton. Better, these p<
it was but a narrow one--would be the violation of the freedom of the press, and of prayer — the sacred right of petition was even now tottering under the assaults upon it. Mr. Vallandigham said he spoke freely and fearlessly as an American representative, and as an American citizen--one firmly resolved not to lose his own Constitutional liberties in the vain effort to impose those rights upon ten millions of unwilling people. He drew a fine comparison between the meeting of Congress in December last, when it was composed of thirty-four independent States, and the present Congress, from which the representatives of eleven States are absent. Their places are supplied by 75,000 soldiers, and the armed men crowding the walks and lawns of this beleaguered capital, and the sound of the drum, give frequent evidence that in times of war laws are silent. He hoped that some years, some months hence, the present generation will demand to know the cause of all this; and some ages hence th
n and bribery a disgrace-until integrity shall be a recommendation, and treason and larceny crimes. Can a Union once dissevered be reconstructed by the arrangement of all parties concerned in its formation? No! When it is once destroyed it is destroyed forever. Let those who believe it can be, first raise the dead, place the dimpling laugh of childhood upon the lip of age, gather up the petals of May flowers and bind them upon their native stems in primeval freshness amid the frosts of December, bring back the withered leaves of Autumn and breathe into them their early luxuriance, and then bring together again the scattered elements of a dissevered Union, when the generous spring-time of our Republic has passed away, and selfishness and ambition have come upon us with their premature frosts and Winter of discontent. Shall we then surrender to turbulence, and faction, and rebellion, and give up the Union with all its elements of good, all its holy memories, all its hallowed asso
l, judgment, and punishment according to law. Sec. 4.--The times, places, and manner of holding elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof, subject to the provisions of this Constitution; but the Congress may, at any time, by law, make or alter such regulations, except as to the times and places of choosing Senators. 2. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year; and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall, by law, appoint a different day. Sec. 5.--Each House shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner and under such penalties as each House may provide. 2. Each House may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members for di
nsacola seized by Florida. January 12. Fort McRae, at Pensacola, seized by Florida. These forts cost $5,947,000, are pierced for 1,099 guns, and are adapted for a war garrison of 5,430 men. We find, as was shown here the other day, and as has been shown on former occasions, that the State of South Carolina seceded, or attempted to secede, from this confederacy of States without cause. In seceding, her first step was a violation of the Constitution. She seceded on the 20th of last December, making the first innovation and violation of the law and the Constitution of the country. On the 28th day of December what did she do? She seized Fort Moultrie and Castle Pinckney, and caused your little band of sixty or seventy men under the command of Major Anderson to retire to a little pen in the ocean--Fort Sumter. She commenced erecting batteries, arraying cannon, preparing for war; in effect, proclaiming herself at once our enemy. Seceding from the Union, taking Fort Moultrie an
ouri will be ready for secession in less than thirty days, and will secede if Arkansas will only get out of the way and give her a free passage. It will presently be seen, by an extract from another letter, what the Governor means by being ready for secession; but it is very remarkable that he should undertake not only to say that she would be ready to secede in thirty days, but further, that she will secede, when in fact your Convention, at that time, stood adjourned to the 3d Monday of December next. His declaration, that the State would secede is made, doubtless, upon some plan of his own, independent of the Convention. Nine days after this letter to the President of the Arkansas Convention, he wrote another, addressed to J. W. Tucker, Esq., the editor of a secession newspaper in St. Louis. This letter is dated April 28, 1861. The writer says: I do not think Missouri should secede to-day or to-morrow, but I do not think it good policy that I should so openly declare. I wan
Doc. 152.-debate in the U. S. Senate on the bill for the suppression of insurrection, August 1, 1861. The bill to suppress insurrection and sedition being taken up: Mr. Cowan (of Pa.) moved that it be postponed till December. Mr. Bayard (Del.) thought that was the best disposition that could be made of the bill. He thought it unconstitutional. Mr. Harris (N. Y.) also spoke in favor of its postponement, and thought it very important. The bill was too important to be matured this session in the temper of the Senate and the temperature of the place. He was inclined to think that necessities of a case give a military commander all the power needed. Mr. Breckinridge (Ky.) said he should vote for its postponement. He was glad to see the Senate at last pause before one bill. Hie wished it were published in every newspaper in the country. He thought it would meet with universal condemnation. He thought this would abolish all State Government and destroy the last vesti
up the voice of supplication to the God to whom vengeance belongeth, in entreaty that he will withhold his avenging hand, and deliver us from the just judgment of our sins. In the fulfilment of my office it is incumbent on me again to lead you in the discharge of this solemn duty by the provision of appropriate services. Remembering the example and injunction of the Apostle of the Gentiles, with the weak to become as weak, I have made little change from the Form of Prayer set forth in December last. The state of the nation has changed since then. The relative position of this State is ascertained. The duties of residents in Maryland, as citizens, are clear. The authority by which we are now invited to approach the throne of grace, is that which God has set over us, and which he bids us recognize as his, or resist only at the awful peril of rendering account to him. By his express command we are bound to make in its behalf our supplications, prayers, and intercessions, and in