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timent of duty to our whole country; of devotion to its Union; of allegiance to its Rulers; of loyalty to its Constitution ; and of undying love to that old Flag of our Fathers, which was associated with the earliest achievement of our Liberty, and which we are resolved shall be associated with its latest defence. It is nothing more, and nothing less, than a determination that neither fraud nor force, neither secret conspiracy nor open rebellion, shall supplant that flag on the dome of our Capitol, or permanently humble it anywhere beneath the sun; that the American Union shall not be rent asunder without those who may attempt it being caught in the cleft;--nor these cherished institutions of ours be cast down and trampled in the dust — until, at least, we have made the best, the bravest, the most strenuous struggle to save them, which the blessing of Heaven upon our own strong arms, and in answer to the prayers of a Nation on its knees. shall have enabled us to make. Massachuset
esentatives, Wednesday, Dec. 18, 1861. To the Editors of the Baltimore Clipper: gentlemen: A friend to-day directed my attention to an article in which there are some errors, which I beg permission to correct. Gov. Pickens, of South Carolina, at the meeting of Southern members of Congress, held in the room of the Committee of Claims, in February, 1837, did not propose that resolutions should be offered to Congress, and if they were not adopted, then every Southern man should leave the capitol, and I regret to discover that I was understood to make such a declaration, recently, in the Front street Theatre. That the occurrence referred to by me, in my remarks before the audience in the theatre, may not be misunderstood, please allow to me space for a brief explanation. In February, 1837, the day next succeeding that on which the votes for President and Vice-President had been counted, as I entered the Hall of the House of Representatives, I met Gen. McCoy, of North Carolina, w
John Cochrane. I was well acquainted with Mr. Orr, one of the commissioners of South Carolina, and I stated to him my proposition as I had laid it before the President. Orr replied: Why, you would not have hanged us, would you? and I answered: No; not unless you had been convicted. I was not alarmed at this condition of things, because, as I have said, I had foreseen it. But I wished to know if there was any hope Washington scenes in 1861. 1. Pennsylvania Avenue looking towards Capitol. 2. War Department building before War. 3. Navy Department building before War. of relief therefrom. Accordingly, I wrote a note to Jefferson Davis, then a member of the Senate, soliciting an interview. He sent me a card inviting me to take tea with him on that evening, as he would be alone. Accordingly I went, and was hospitably and quietly received, and a conversation of several hours followed, in which the whole situation was discussed. That interview convinced me that war was ine
make the attempt to hold Annapolis, and open the way to Washington, was the remembrance of a little bit of history:-- Washington had determined upon placing the capital where it now is. He had substantially laid out the plan which brought the capitol building, in the final location of it, close to the top of a slope which commands a view of the very large and substantially level ground east of the capitol where, by this plan, the city was to be built. But this level tract took in a large picapitol where, by this plan, the city was to be built. But this level tract took in a large piece of the ground belonging to Mr. Carroll, and some belonging to the Custis family. On this account, Edmund Randolph, Washington's attorney-general, attacked him in a pamphlet, which was the mode of political warfare in those days. He urged that the location of the capital, and especially the plan of the city, was simply the result of nepotism on the part of the President, who desired to give great value by the Map of Chesapeake Bay and interior. From United States topographical map. lo
ntry's cause, and that of liberty. And we bring you now, and here, on this dividing-line between loyalty and treason, the flag of our common country — the flag of the forever-United States. Soldiers! thus far your acts are matters of history, and noble acts. But we come to give expression to the feelings of pride which we feel as Massachusetts men, at the universal praise accorded, by all the citizens of Washington, for your gentlemanly bearing and noble conduct while quartered in the capitol. Not a single complaint has been made by any citizen of Washington, friend or foe, of any uncivil conduct by any Massachusetts volunteer. Bearing this high reputation, you now advance, not as a conquering army to subjugate and enslave, but as the advance guard of the grand liberating army of deliverance, bearing the stars of hope to the oppressed lovers of liberty in the South, and the stripes of justice for all their traitorous oppressors. For bear in mind, that, though you will contend
it, the inevitable tendency of its measures, in my opinion, is to render the disruption permanent and incurable. And hence I have opposed, and, so long as my present convictions last, shall continue to oppose, the entire coercive policy of the Government. I hope this may be satisfactory to my friends. For my enemies I care not. Sincerely yours, Jesse D. bright. J. Fitch, Madison, Ind. The other letter, addressed to a loyal gentleman who was, at one time, Superintendent of the Capitol Extension, is as follows: Washington, June 27, 1860. dear sir: I take pleasure in introducing to you an old and valued friend, Mr. Thomas B. Lincoln. He has a proposition to make you connected with a kind of machine he understands you are using in the public improvements under your control. I commend him to you as a reliable gentleman, in every sense of the word, and bespeak for him your kind consideration. Truly yours, J. D. bright. Capt. Franklin. On the case, as thus p
d the Sea Bird, the flag-ship of Commodore Lynch, and the others whose names I could not distinguish at the time. All acted nobly. All fought like veterans and heroes, as they are. As the boats neared the barges, the officers, amid a perfect shower of shot and shell, came out on the decks, and, swinging their hats, gave hearty cheers of encouragement to the soldiers. I do not remember a moment in the history of the Confederacy — not even when the stars and bars were first hauled upon the capitol at Montgomery amid the enthusiastic shouts of an earnest people, when my heart has so swelled with emotion, and when I have been so willing to sacrifice my life, my all, in the defence of the right and my country. Finding it impossible to proceed further, Col. Anderson ordered the boats to return to the upper end of the island, in order to effect a landing there. Covered by the gunboats, the barges retreated and were soon out of reach of the fire. Running as near in shore as possible,
f the confederate District Court at Richmond, and any other Judge of a confederate Court who may be in Richmond; the members of the late Provisional Congress, the officers of the Army and Navy of the confederate States who may be in Richmond; the Mayor and corporate authorities of the city of Richmond; the reverend clergy and Masonic and other benevolent societies, and the members of the Press. VI. At half-past 12 o'clock the procession will move from the hall by the eastern door of the capitol to the statue of Washington, on the public square, by such route as the Chief-Marshal may direct, in the following order, to wit: 1. The Chief-Marshal. 2. The Band. 3. Six members of the Committee of Arrangements, including their respective Chairmen. 4. The President-elect, attended by the President of the Senate. 5. The Vice-President-elect, attended by the Speaker of the House of Representatives. 6. The members of the Cabinet. 7. The officiating clergyman and the Judg
o hear only of victory. News! What's the last you've heard? Last night's despatches. None since? The latest out, and plenty of it. Fort Donelson has fallen, and Nashville is surrendered! They say the white flag is waving now on the capitol, and the gunboats will be up before sundown. I thought he was hoaxing me, but quickened my pace. The next morning confirmed it all and more. I saw there was literally a cloud of witnesses, pouring along the turnpike leading to Franklin. Coe owner of the omnibus line were rolling out in those vehicles. Double and one-horse carriages were full of living freight. On reaching the tollgate, on the top of the hill overlooking Nashville, I strained my eyes to see the white flag on the capitol. The tall flag-staff was naked. There was no flag of any sort on it. Passing down Broad street by the Nashville and Decatur road, the first man I saw was Gov. Harris, about to leave on a special train, with the Legislature and archives of t
nty-first Indiana, with the camp fronting the city. Everett's battery, under Lieut. Carruth, was in bivouac, on the right of the Fourteenth Maine, and on the right of the Twenty-first Indiana. Still further to the right were the guns in charge of the Twenty-first Indiana. On the extreme right, the guns of Nim's battery, under Lieut. Trull, were brought in position early in the action on the right. The Thirtieth Massachusetts, under Col. Dudley, were brought up from their quarters in the capitol on the night of the fourth, and took position on the left of the Sixth Michigan. On the extreme left, in advance of the left bank of the Bayou Gap, with an oblique front towards the intersection of the Bayou Sara and Clinton roads, with two pieces of Manning's battery, were the Ninth Connecticut and Fourth Wisconsin. The remaining guns of Manning's battery were in position on the right bank of the bed of Bayou Gap. This was the real line of defence for the left flank, covering the north
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